By Malinda Seneviratne

(September 30, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) I believe that there are things in this world that warrant the registration of strong objection. And I believe there are things which, although arguably irritating, are too trivial to Tear one’s hair over. There is a difference, in other words, between legitimate complain and insufferable whine. There is a time to refer that interesting adage about complaining that one didn’t have shoes until one sees a cripple and then there are times when the reference to the worse-case is not a legitimate response.

My thoughts today derive from not so much from a complaint but an insufferable whine in the form of an article by Jehan Perera in the Sri Lanka Guardian(Tuesday, September 29, 2009) titled ‘Need to take risks to overcome North-South divide’.

I should not be surprised, I know, since Jehan Perera has acquired for himself a considerable reputation as an incurable whiner (in addition to other and less dismissable character traits). In this case he is whining about what he believes to be the unreasonable length of time taken to process travellers flying to Jaffna from the Ratmalana Airport.

He also whines about the facilities. He is upset that even after the end of the war (an eventuality that the man fought tooth and nail to prevent by the way), the security procedures had not been relaxed.

Here is a man who is getting paid to vilify the Sri Lankan Government. A man who talks of good governance, democracy and the like but lacks the basic integrity to call to question highly exaggerated numbers and wild claims about conflict and post-conflict scenarios. Even if we were to believe that Jehan’s ‘Jaffna Trip’ was an innocent excursion, the snobbery of the man is utterly obnoxious.

I am not saying that the conditions at the Ratmalana Airport are amazingly good. I am sure there is much room for improvement in facility and service.

However for someone to be so upset over having to get up early in the morning and ‘waste’ a few hours while being processed is bordering on a bad case of pamperditis. I know, for instance, people who spend seven to eight hours a day of their entire working lives on the road, going to and from work.

I know children who walk three to five kms to school or to the nearest bus halt to go to school. Perhaps it is Jehan’s per-hour worth that has caused him to feel a pinch in his tender behind, but I thought it was all a selfless for-the-love-of-the-people kind of exercise that he is engaging in. Maybe I am wrong.

Now Jehan belongs to that surreptitious gang of English-speaking, English-piddling self-styled ‘elites’ in Colombo who are horrified by conditions in IDP camps (meaning they’ve never set eyes on the poor and the conditions of poverty that are pretty widely evident in many parts of the country).

I was thinking how Jehan would run IDP camps had he been given that monumentally challenging task. I am willing to wager that the first thing he would do would be to set up office and living quarters for himself, fully furnished with the comforts he enjoys at home. I am sure he would not go for a kind of toilet that the displaced have no choice but to use.

Come to think of it, Jehan is an IDP himself. He is displaced in his own country, divorced from its realities and sensibilities, distanced from the concerns of the general population, ideologically located outside this island in terms of preferred Utopia, financially dependent on funds offered by organizations with dubious and patently anti-Sri Lanka agenda and totally at sea when it comes to political realities.

Jehan says ‘democratic and open societies must take risks that some terrorist or demented person somewhere will explode a bomb’.

What does he care? He never really ran those risks and in fact, in championing the flawed and highly dangerous Ranil-Prabha Ceasefire Agreement, actively sought to create conditions for such explosions and succeeded too.

Just imagine letting our guard down completely (I think it should be and is a gradual process) and having some demented person (Jehan would qualify, come to think of it) tossing a bomb into a bus filled with schoolchildren. Only someone with a moronic sense of the political would not envisage the fallout of such an incident. We simply cannot afford anything like that. For the likes of Jehan Perera, though, it would be a gift from heaven.

His final lines are telling. Referring to the vast crowds that flocked to the BMICH during the International Book Fair, Jehan says, ‘The large number of bookshops and book publishers showed that Sri Lanka has a literate and well read population whom the Government can take into its confidence in taking the risks that need to be taken to re-link the North and South again.’

Has Jehan forgotten that his plan for conflict-resolution (negotiating with the LTTE) lost out? Does he know why?

Does he even bother to entertain the idea that the reason for this is that the Government did have the confidence of the ‘literate and well read population’? Does he not know that monumental risks were taken to re-link the North and South again, in real terms, and not the trivial and probably temporary imbalances and mismatches that are quite understandable given a war that took thirty years to come to an end?

Or does he think that ‘well-read’ refers only to those who read the trash that he writes and passes off as serious political commentary? Is he in fact begging that someone takes him into confidence?

Spoilt. Utterly spoilt. A brat, in fact. A bad case of Pamperditis. That’s the Jehan Perera that emerges from this piece. And I am being generous here.

-Sri Lanka Guardian

(September 30, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) A message of 'unity' to bring communities together through a TV commercial showing the Yal Devi (train to Jaffna) was the focus of what the government termed as a 'historic announcement' on Wednesday night.

In a commercial shown on all TV channels, the Yal Devi was shown with people from the two main communities joining the train together. The South-North train to Jaffna has been off the track for many years and is yet to resume its services. In any case, the rail track a few km north of Vavuniya to Jaffna needs a lot of repair.

Earlier in the evening, an SMS was sent by a government agency alerting Sri Lankans to a historic announcement on all channels at 8.05 pm. What finally appeared was a damp squib and unnecessary excitement, media analysts said.

The planned announcement set off wild speculation that it may be on the discovery of oil, the extension of the railwayline from Matara to Kataragama, a possible dissolution of parliament or a special announcement related to the southern province ahead of the PC elections.

-Sri Lanka Guardian

(September 30, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) A Government Special announcement scheduled to be made at 8.05 p.m tonight on TV may be on the discovery of oil, a possible dissolution of parliament or a special announcement related to the southern province are some of the speculations among the public.

A text message supposed to have been sent out by the Government has already gone out saying "Tune to any local TV channel this evening at 8.05 p.m. and watch as Sri Lanka makes histroy. A message from the Govt of Sri Lanka".

Since the message went out around 5.30 p.m. the public has been speculating about the possible message.

Senior government officials and ministers said they were unawre of the annoucement.

-Sri Lanka Guardian

Sri Lanka could face a tsunami risk: Met.Dept.

(September 30, Sumatra/ Colombo , Sri Lanka Guardian) A powerful earthquake has rocked Indonesia's Sumatra island, damaging houses, bringing down bridges and starting fires, reports have said.

The magnitude 7.6 tremor struck off the coastal city of Padang.

The quake was felt around the region, with some high-rise buildings in the neighbouring city state of Singapore, 275 miles away, evacuating their staff.

A regional tsunami warning was issued, the Pacific Tsunami Warning Centre and Japan's meteorological agency said. It was unclear if there were any casualties.
___________________________

Colombo: The Met.Dept requested public to be cautious of a possible tsunami following two major quakes in the South Pacific island of Samoa and Sumatra islands in the Indian Ocean.

“The 7.9 magnitude earthquake in the seas near Sumatra Islands at 3.46pm this evening created a possible risk”, said the department’s Deputy Director S.R.Jayasekare.

He said that aftershocks following the major 8.3 magnitude earthquake that took place in the South Pacific island of Samoa might be experienced.
________________________

The magnitude 7.6 tremor struck off the coastal city of Padang.

The quake was felt around the region, with some high-rise buildings in the neighbouring city state of Singapore, 275 miles away, evacuating their staff.

A regional tsunami warning was issued, the Pacific Tsunami Warning Centre and Japan's meteorological agency said. It was unclear if there were any casualties.

Some victims were washed out to sea as 20ft waves destroyed villages and injured hundreds, officials said.

Padang, the capital of Indonesia's West Sumatra province, sits on one of the world's most active fault lines along the Ring of Fire, where the Indo-Australia plate grinds against the Eurasia plate.

A 9.15 magnitude quake, with its epicentre roughly 373 miles northwest of Padang, caused the 2004 tsunami.

It left 232,000 people dead in Indonesia's Aceh province, Thailand, Sri Lanka, India, and other countries across the Indian Ocean.

Geologists have long said Padang, with a population of 900,000, may one day be destroyed by a huge earthquake because of its location.

"Padang sits right in front of the area with the greatest potential for an 8.9 magnitude earthquake," said Danny Hilman Natawidjaja, a geologist at the Indonesian Science Institute.

"The entire city could drown" in a tsunami triggered by such a quake, he warned.

-Sri Lanka Guardian

(September 30, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Former Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Rajapaksha Government who is now the leader of SLFP (M), breakway group of the ruling alliance ,Mangala Samaraweera addressing a Press briefing at the party Headquarters , yesterday (29) said , the Secretaries of Ministries , the Chairmen of Corporations and stooges in order to display their power and ‘ boru show’ are using the security details as a status symbol. The President alone is having over a thousand staff in his security detail while the largest Cabinet in the world of 112 Ministers also are having massive security fleets , he added .

What’s more ? even the relatives , friends and spouses of Ministers are enjoying security protection and a number of official vehicles . If the President fancies , he distributes vehicles as though they of his private fleet , he pinpointed. All these stooges , hangers on and cronies have taken all these luxuries and security at state expense , not for security reasons , but for obscene ostentation . They want to show they are ‘President’s men’ who not only enjoy his patronage but also have a fleet like his for pompous reasons.

Nero was fiddling when Rome was burning . Here, Hero is diddling when people are starving .

Former Foreign secretary , Kohona even to have a dinner goes out with a security contingent of 200 personnel . All these acts were not because they needed such security detail, it was to show to the world they are ‘great men’ among the poor masses who do not have even a square meal a day. It is high time the Govt. stops these ‘circuses’ and thinks of the people , at least now, after the war is over, he exhorted. Is it to increase the commission collections that the Govt. is going on importing vehicles under one pretext or another ? 5 Bullet proof vehicles each costing Rs. 100 million have been imported for the President. Believe it or not , as of now , it is in SL there is the highest number of security vehicles in Asia , he pinpointed.

He said ,he has witnessed General and Presidential elections during the last 20 years , and has faced 17 elections himself, but , there has never been a more fraud ridden and election law violating elections as the forthcoming Southern PC elections . State vehicles , buildings and employees are being used for pro Govt. election campaigns while violence is raging on the other side. The election laws are flagrantly violated like nobody’s business. . 600 Ports Authority staff and 78 vehicles are engaged in illegal activities working for the elections in the campaigns of the Govt. candidates , he bemoaned.

-Sri Lanka Guardian

(September 30, Galle, Sri Lanka Guardian) Nishantha Muthuhettigama yesterday claimed that there were death threats against him from one or two UPFA candidates and the President's security division was working against him in Galle.

Charging that it was the UPFA General Secretary who lacked discipline, Nishantha called on the President not to obstruct his work for the people in the South during the last 11 days to the polls.

“When I inform the President of the death threats against me, he doesn't believe it. Neither the Defence Secretary nor him understand this.

“Some people have inspectors and chief inspectors from the police and also Army personnel. The Defence Secretary is not aware of this. They don't have adequate knowledge of these things. However, I am aware of this.

“One of our female candidates from Galle has been provided with security officers of the Harbour Police. They point their guns at me.

“As a candidate, I don't need the power of the President or the government. I am standing on my own strength and the strength of the people. I am not ready to fulfill the needs of the President, but the needs of the people in Galle.

“Just like the President, I have a strong backbone. I live and respect him and I would like to request him not to make me lose that respect.

“I don't need ministerial posts from him. Last time I didn't receive a ministerial post because Madam Chandrika thought that I was an associate of Mahinda Rajapaksa. This time I will accept a ministerial post only if the people grant one to me.

“Our party is disciplined. The general secretary of the UPFA has issued a warning that party ethics should not be violated. I have not done so. I regret the fact that the General Secretary of the UPFA lacks discipline.

“I am working for the people by sacrificing my life. The leaders of our party are unaware of the fact that I have spent Rs. 30 to 40 million and I am now in debt. This was not taken from the party and I did not steal it either. This is Nishantha's money that is being spent.

“I request the President not to obstruct my work for the people in the South during these 11 days. That is all I ask,” said Muthuhettigama.

-Sri Lanka Guardian

(September 30, Trincomalee, Sri Lanka Guardian) Police have commenced investigations into an incident where a Police Sub Inspector is alleged to have committed suicide with a revolver inside the Trincomalee Police Barracks.

According to the police media spokesman, Senior DIG Nimal Mediwaka, the incident had taken place between last night and early this morning inside the 26-year-old sub inspector's room.

The postmortem is scheduled for today at the Trincomalee hospital.

-Sri Lanka Guardian

(September 30, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) The only tapir at the National Zoological Gardens in Dehiwala died on Monday night. “There was nearly one and half kilos of polythene in his belly, which caused his death,” said Ramani Jayalath, Chief Veterinary Officer of the Zoo.

The tapir is a large browsing mammal, roughly pig-like in shape, with a short, prehensile snout. Tapirs inhabit jungle and forest regions of South America, Central America, and Southeast Asia. There are four species of Tapirs, being the Brazilian tapir, the Malayan tapir, Baird's tapir and the mountain tapir. All four species of tapir are classified as endangered or vulnerable. Their closest relatives are the other odd-toed ungulates, including horses and rhinoceroses.

This tapir was brought to Sri Lanka on May 15, 1996 from South America. The animal mostly inhabits land but prefers water as well.

The South American tapir, which feeds on leaves can be seen out in the open only during the early hours of the morning and late evening.

Known by the scientific name of Tapirus Terrestris, this animal has a lifespan of around 30 years.

The only other female tapir brought along with this one died about 8 years ago.

Meanwhile, zoo officials again made their appeal to the public not to feed the animals in the zoo.

-Sri Lanka Guardian

"The real assets of the Sri Lankan Air Force driving Eelam War 1V were the new Spy planes. Several Cessna 421 , Golden Eagle and two ‘Beechcraft’ super King crafts were bought from the United States for maritime and ground surveillance . Close ground surveillance was carried out by Israeli IAI searcher MK 11 and EMIT Blue Horizon 2 unmanned aerial vehicles."
_______________

By Matthew Russell Lee
Courtesy: Inner City Press

(September 30, New York, United Nation, Sri Lanka Guardian) In the wake of the Sri Lankan Army shooting at least two children on the margins of the Manik Farm "Internally Displaced Persons" camp in Vavuniya, Inner City Press on Tuesday asked UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon if, in his September 28 meeting with three Sri Lankan ministers, he sought or gained any commitment for non-use of lethal weapons on unarmed IDPs.

Mr. Ban proffered a more than 150 word answer, but did not mention any such commitment, even seeking one. He rattled off "three points" -- in essence, resettlement, reconciliation and accountability -- and said "they committed that they will do as we have agreed. But we have to have a close watch and monitor this process."

But will they keep shooting unarmed civilians, including children?

Speaking of war crimes, Inner City Press has continued to inquire into the reason for the delay in the U.S. Department of State's report on war crimes in Sri Lanka, which was due in Congress on September 21. On September 29, a U.S. official on background told Inner City Press, "We are still working on the report. Congress has extended the submission date. We expect to submit the report to Congress in mid-October."

This would tend to rebut reports Tuesday in the Sri Lankan press that the report is delayed "indefinitely," with assistance to the Rajapaksa administration from Israel, citing "the real assets of the Sri Lankan Air Force driving Eelam War 1V were the new Spy planes. Several Cessna 421 , Golden Eagle and two ‘Beechcraft’ super King crafts were bought from the United States for maritime and ground surveillance . Close ground surveillance was carried out by Israeli IAI searcher MK 11 and EMIT Blue Horizon 2 unmanned aerial vehicles."

While the arming may be true, the full disarming of the report does not appear to be.

Just after Mr. Ban's press conference, Inner City Press observed what seemed to be U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Robert Blake entering the elevators on the UN's second floor. Later in the day, Mr. Blake graciously confirmed to Inner City Press that he was at UN headquarters, holding meetings on the margins of the General Assembly and Tuesday meeting with UN colleagues on the countries in his area of responsibility -- which includes Sri Lanka. We hope to have more on this.
From the UN's September 28, 2009 transcript:

Inner City Press: [On the] children shot in Sri Lanka, did you get a commitment from the Government not to shoot unarmed civilians who leave the camp?

S-G Ban: Now, on Sri Lanka, yesterday we had an extensive discussion with the Prime Minister. And the Foreign Minister and Defense Secretary were also present in the meeting. They were the key people in managing this situation. I made three points clearly again, which I did during my visit, and which was repeated and urged again during Mr. [B. Lynn] Pascoe's visit earlier this month. First, that all IDPs should be resettled, as they had promised, by the end of January. There should be extra measures taken, particularly during this monsoon season, because their suffering will be much, much more serious during this wet season. They should immediately begin to reach out to minority ethnic groups, including Tamils. Then, I emphasized the importance of instituting immediately this judiciary accountability process for violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law. Those were three points, and they committed that they will do as we have agreed. But we have to have a close watch and monitor this process.

So was there any "commitment from the Government not to shoot unarmed civilians who leave the camp?" Apparently not.

* * *
As Sri Lankan IDPs Shot, UN's Pascoe Says Camps To Be "Thinned Out," Council Should Meet

By Matthew Russell Lee

UNITED NATIONS, September 28 -- Just after the Sri Lankan Army shot people leaving the Manik Farms camps in Vavuniya, Sri Lanka's Prime Minister, Foreign Minister and Secretary of Defense met in New York with the UN's highest officials.

Afterwards, Inner City Press asked the head of the UN's Department of Political Affairs Lynn Pascoe about the shooting incidents, whether the Sri Lankan Army's web site had misquoted him, and why the UN had not convened a meeting about Sri Lankan during the last week's General Debate.

Of the shooting, Pascoe attributed it to overcrowding in the Manik Farms camps, saying "they need to be thinning it out." He acknowledged that the Sri Lankan Army had put a "different spin" on what he said during his visit this month. Inner City Press asked about the headline "You have better story than is getting out today - Pascoe to President." Inner City Press asked this question ten days ago, without getting any answer.

Pascoe said he was only been referring to de-mining, that he was "surprised" he was quoted "for saying things quite in the way that [he] had said them." But why didn't the UN seek a correction then, as it has when for example Sudan characterized what the UN told them in a bilateral conversation?

Pascoe said that the meeting with Defense Secretary (and Presidential brother) Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickramanayaka and Foreign Minister Rohitha Bogollagama was attended not only by Ban Ki-moon, but also by John Holmes and Vijay Nambiar.

As Pascoe sought to turn to another questioner, Inner City Press reminded him of the unanswered question of why the UN had not set up a meeting during the General Debate, as it did on Myanmar, Somalia and other countries.

Pascoe said there had been some thought "early on" of convening such a meeting about Sri Lanka, but it didn't happen. He added that "it is important for the Security Council to discuss... in their rooms or in the basement." Well, the UN Charter provides for the Secretary General to convene a Security Council meeting, under Article 99. Watch this site.

Footnotes: in continued reporting on the delayed U.S. State Department report on war crimes in Sri Lanka, which was due before Congress on September 21 but was then deferred, Inner City Press has been told that staff for Senator Patrick Leahy of Vermont found deficiencies with the report, having nothing to do with the stealth visit of Gotabhaya Rajapaksa. Meanwhile, in Europe the possible termination of Sri Lanka's GSP Plus tariff benefit is set to be discussed on October 1, and voted on by October 15. We'll see.

At UN, Sri Lanka's Speech in Near Empty Hall Cheered by Defense Minister, UK Silent
By Matthew Russell Lee

UNITED NATIONS, September 26 -- Sri Lanka's prime minister read a long triumphal speech Saturday afternoon before a UN General Assembly Hall that was well less then half full. In the audience, however, were the country's Foreign Affairs and Defense Minister, the latter being Presidential brother Gotabhaya Rajapaksa. They sat with their head in their hands as Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickramanayaka droned on, his image projected in a large TV screen above him.

Wickramanayaka said, "we have shared our hopes and concerns with the United Nations." He might have added, we use each trip by a UN official as support for interning people in camps. His speech spoke of landmines and "self-confessed ex-LTTE cadres... mix[ed] with the IDPs." There was no mention of freedom of the press, reporters killed and imprisoned, nor of the UN system staff detained and, they say, tortured.

On September 25, Inner City Press asked three separate UK spokespeople for a read-out of David Miliband's meeting with Sri Lanka's Foreign Minister Rohitha Bogollagama on September 25. One responded, that she was not in the meeting, only Miliband, Bogollagama and Bernard Kouchner were. Therefore not even a summary was released.
Norway's foreign minister Jonas Gahr Store, when asked by Inner City Press what if anything Norway is now doing about about the situation in Sri Lanka, stammered that "it is up to them." Norway now seems to be running scared.

On Saturday, less than twenty yards from the Sri Lankan delegation sat that of the United States, showing little interest in or reaction to the Sri Lankan speech. The U.S. State Department was asked about its war crimes report that was due September 21 in Congress. It now appears the report is late -- some allege some Gotabhaya Rajapaksa involvement -- and will be filed in mid October. Watch this site.

* * *
As If at UN, Sri Lankan PM at Asia Society Faces Pre-Screened Softball Questions

By Matthew Russell Lee

UNITED NATIONS, September 24 -- Sri Lanka's prime minister Ratnasiri Wickramanayake spoke Thursday night at the Asia Society on Park Avenue in Manhattan, facing pre-screened softball questions gently raising the internment camps and freedom of the press. Even so, Wickramanayake responded testily, drawing partisan applause from the otherwise silenced auditorium.

Several facts were plainly misrepresented. The Asia Society's questioner -- who multiple times and accurately said, "I am by no means an expert on Sri Lanka" -- asked if the International Committee of the Red Cross has access to all the IDPs. Yes, Wickramanayake replied. But the ICRC has complained of no access to at least 10,000 people.

Then Wickramanayake said that two ICRC staffers were found to have "direct" ties to the LTTE and were arrested. Presumably he was referring to the two UN system staff, a question that Inner City Press wrote on a note card that was never read out by the moderator. Nor was a question about the GSP Plus tax benefit in Europe, which Sri Lanka stands to lose for human rights violations.

The evening got off to a surreal start with the present of the Asia Society, Ms. Vishakha N. Desai, saying without qualification that the Sri Lankan government means well. Then Wickramanayake delivered a sort of speech. He said "our country is nourished by Buddhism." He spoke of opportunities for investors, tourism on Eastern beaches.

Then the Asia Society's Executive Vice President Jaime Metzl took a seat and began lobbing softball questions. He said, let's turn back to Sri Lankan independence, to 1948. Wickramanayake became testy, and not for the last time. "Let us forget the past," he snapped. We want to look to the future.

EVP Metzl ever so gently raised the issue of the IDPs. Wickramanayake said the only problem is demining. "We were going it manually," he said, "until quite recently." He said now some machines have arrived. "It would have taken years," he said.

So what did Mahinda Rajapaksa's commitment to Ban Ki-moon in May, to resettle 80% of the IDPs by the end of the year, mean? One of the two is dissembling.

Metzl read out a question submitted only, "anonymously," he pointed out. took issue with why anyone would be anonymous. He said there are no problems of freedom of the press. When an audience member shouted out, "twenty years of hard labor," they were shouted down by a person sitting up in the front, in the reserved seat. Sri Lanka's Ambassador to the UN was observed up there. In front of the Asia Society, a fleet of blank four by fours were parked, with the Sri Lankan flag on their windshield. Entourage!

As Wickramanayake pontificated, about former LTTE supporters put in charge in the East, EVP Metzl nodded and said, as if involuntarily, uh huh, uh huh, while nodding his head. He let slip that he had just returned from Afghanistan, and that his father was an IDP for ten years after World War II. He named El Salvador as a country with a past of ethnic conflict. (Actually, there it is social class, we'll cite Roque Dalton.) Metzl's high point, he let the audience know, was getting an empty commitment from Wickramanayake that the Red Cross could contact his office. "And the Ministry of Defense," Wickramanayake quickly added. Of course.

The questions got more and more lame, culminating with "what do you pray for every night?" Wickramanayake answered, testy to the end, "I don't want to disclose that." Then the Asia Society whisked him and his entourage through a door, presumably to a reception, and the audience filed out.

Inner City Press felt a duty to come and hear, even paid to do it. In other circumstances, a refund would be in order given the weakness of the questions, and not allowing the audience or Press to ask any questions. The Asia Society created it own protest free General Assembly, and changed twenty dollars a seat for it.

* * *
At UN, Miliband and Kouchner in Sri Lankan Meeting Friday, Japan Says It's Resolved
By Matthew Russell Lee

UNITED NATIONS, September 23 -- On the opening day of the UN General Assembly, UK foreign minister David Miliband told the Press that he and his French counterpart Bernard Kouchner will have a "joint meeting" with the Sri Lankan foreign minister on Friday. As Miliband spoke with mostly British reporters about the statement he had just read out on camera about Iran, Inner City Press asked what if anything the UK was doing about Sri Lanka during this UN General Assembly week.

Miliband said, "I am certainly having a meeting with the Sri Lankan Foreign Minister... Bernard Kouchner and I are jointing meeting him." Inner City Press asked what would be raised or asked for at the meeting. Miliband turned to one of the British journalists and said, this would be good clip for you.

Then he answered, that "Mr Kouchner and I, when we went to Sri Lanka, got very clear commitments from the president of Sri Lanka, about IDPs and a host of related issues and we're following up those commitments." If follow-up is what it's about, one will expect a read out from the UK Mission, or even the French.

The Japanese, meanwhile, dodged Sri Lanka questions for the second time this week. Inner City Press asked Kazuo Kodama, Press Secretary for the Prime Minister of Japan, for his country's position on the IDP camps and, one assumes, the same "host" of related issues Miliband referred to.

Kazuo Kodama said that yes, Minister Akashi was long engaged in the Sri Lankan peace process, but "we all know that last May... now peace is restored in Sri Lanka." This at a minimum shows the weakness of a foreign policy, even an international organization, overly focuses on military conflicts and their end by any means necessary and not the underlying causes.

We also note that according to Kazuo Kodama, when Gordon Brown met with Japan's new prime minister, Myanmar was raised, but not Sri Lanka...

* * *
On Sri Lanka, Australia's Rudd Says He's Watching, UN Silent on Immunity, Miliband at UN
By Matthew Russell Lee

UNITED NATIONS, September 22 -- With the internment camps in northern Sri Lanka still full, Inner City Press on Tuesday asked Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd what his country will do, including since Australian UNICEF staff member James Elder was ordered expelled from the country for speaking of the detainees' plight.

Rudd, after answering about climate change and the UN's use of peacekeepers from militarily-ruled Fiji, said Australia is "monitoring human rights" in Sri Lanka and will take the "necessary action with respect to any individual."

Even less firm was an answer by the UN Spokesperson's Office, when asked what if anything Lynn Pascoe accomplished in Sri Lanka about the two UN system staffer who were grabbed up by the government and, they say, tortured. Spokesperson Michele Montas said, twice, the Pascoe had "raised" the issue to President Mahinda Rajapaksa. But what is being done?

Inner City Press asked, again, if it is the UN's position that it national staff are immune, at least within the scope of their employment for the UN. Ms. Montas declined to answer, saying that lawyers have been provided for the two staffers. On whether the UN in Sri Lanka, as it does elsewhere including Sudan, assert immunity, Ms Montas said, "I will have to find out."

Later on Tuesday, the UN Spokesperson's office issues three separate statement about Sudan. But nothing about Sri Lanka... Secretary General Ban Ki-moon was grilled about Sri Lanka over the weekend. One wonders how, then, simple questions like those posed on September 18 can remain unanswered.

Footnote: UK Foreign Minister David Miliband is said to be arranging by invitation only press briefings on September 23 inside the UN. It is not clear if any Sri Lanka follow up question will be asked or even allowed. Watch this space.

-Sri Lanka Guardian

“The Indian intelligence agencies and the police of the affected States, which were taken by surprise by these attacks, mobilised their resources and succeeded in arresting many of those involved.”
_________

By B.Raman

(September 30, Chennai, Sri Lanka Guardian)It is one year since the last reported terrorist attack (in New Delhi in September last year) by the Indian Mujahideen (IM) and its mentor the Students' Islamic Movement of India (SIMI). Not only has there been no jihadi terrorist attack in Indian territory outside Jammu & Kashmir (J&K) attributable to the IM for a year now, there has been no propaganda offensive by the IM either during this period.

There was no evidence of IM involvement in the spectacular terrorist attack launched by the Lashkar-e-Toiba (LET) of Pakistan in Mumbai from November 26 to 29,2008. A message purporting to be from one Deccan Mujahideen claiming responsibility for the Mumbai attack had originated from Pakistan at the time of the attack, but it was believed to have been sent at the instance of the LET set-up in Pakistan to confuse the Indian security agencies.

The period between November 2007 and September,2008, saw repeated terrorist strikes with timed improvised explosive devices (IEDs) by a group of jihadis originally belonging to the SIMI, who claimed to be operating as the Indian Mujahideen. These explosions, with many human fatalities, took place in three cities of Uttar Pradesh on the same day in November,2007, in Jaipur in May,2008, in Bangalore and Ahmedabad in July,2008 and in New Delhi in September,2008. Messages purporting to be from the IM received by some media outfits claimed responsibility not only for these explosions, but also for some others which had taken place before November,2007, such as the explosions targeting suburban train passengers in Mumbai in July,2006.

The attacks between November,2007, and September,2008, were well-planned, well-orchestrated and well-executed and indicated the involvement in their planning and execution by some well-educated members of the Indian Muslim community, some of whom had attended so-called secular educational institutions. Some of the educated Muslims involved and arrested by the Mumbai police were adept in the use of information technology (IT). One of them was reportedly working for a reputed IT company.

The Indian intelligence agencies and the police of the affected States, which were taken by surprise by these attacks, mobilised their resources and succeeded in arresting many of those involved. The investrigation brought out that long before launching these attacks, the SIMI had been planning for them and holding training camps for those to be used for these attacks in different parts of Indian territory, including in Kerala and Gujarat. The investigation also brought out that prompt follow-up action by the police of different States on the revelations about these training activities contained in the reports of the Madhya Pradesh police on the interrogation of some SIMI cadress arrested by them in the beginning of 2008 might have prevented at least some of these attacks.Unfortunately, the interrogation reports were allegedly not widely disseminated and no alert was sounded. The details of the planning and training came to be known only after the Ahmedabad explosions.

The credit for the one-year lull since September,2008, should go to the Indian intelligence agencies and the police of all the states. They have not allowed their preoccupation with detecting and neutralising the cells of the LET, the Jaish-e-Mohammad (JEM) and other Pakistani organisations come in the way of their hunt for the remnants of the IM and the SIMI, which have escaped attention and arrest so far. Many suspected cells of the SIMI and the IM in Kerala, and other places have been detected and neutralised by them during the last one year.

The details out of these detections and arrests as reported by the media periodically indicate that the SIMI and the IM have been re-strategising their operations for the future and biding their time before striking again. The one-year lull in the terrorist strikes of the IM and the SIMI should not be interpreted as indicating any set-back suffered by them. The arrests made during this period of lull indicate continued planning and training for more attacks.

The IM and the SIMI continue to be as serious a threat to our internal security as they were in 2008.

( The writer is Additional Secretary (retired), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai. E-mail: seventyone2@gmail.com )

-Sri Lanka Guardian

By Mohamed Marzook

(September 30, London, Sri Lanka Guardian) Sri Lankans of all communities participated in the Ramadan Iftar hosted by the Sri Lanka Islamic Forum UK (SLIF-UK) held on the 07th September 2009 Monday at the London Muslim Centre, Whitechapel, London.

This year’s lftar was sponsored by world Islamic call society and facilitated by UK Arab society . The event started with with a recitation from the Holy Quran by Qaari As Sheikh Shamila from World Islamic Call Society.

SLIF UK’s annual Ifthar is one of the annual events that gives a platform and an opportunity to all Sri Lankan communities Muslims, Tamils and Sinhalese to engage and discuss current socio religious political matters that are of interest to all communities in Sri Lanka. This is a part of the bridge-building efforts of the SLIF between the different Sri Lankan communities. In this unique event, together with a large number of Muslims a significant number of Tamils and Sinhalese representing various Tamil and Sinhala Organisations were present as invitees; not to miss a good number of female participants as well. Members of UK Arab Society also participated in the event.

Commencing with the welcome address of Dr. Musthafa Rayes, the current President of SLIF-UK events followed with the speech of Br.Ajmal Masroor, Imaam and Islam Channel TV presenter, who explained the significance of fasting in the month of Ramadan, he outlined the objective of Muslims partaking in the Ifthar with invitees. In this instance, he said that the SLIF-UK members and other Sri Lankan communities participating in such large numbers will go a long way in promoting peace and harmony among the various Sri Lankan communities in the present differences prevailing in the country.

Lord Nazeer Ahamed, a Member of House of Lords, who was the next scheduled speaker could not participate due to an unexpected bereavement in his family although he arrived in London to attend the event he and had to return back at the eleventh hour.

Special guest at the event the newly appointed Deputy High Commissioner for Sri Lanka in London, Mr. P.M. Amza, in his address, emphasized the importance of all Sri Lankan communities working together with understanding.

After his speech the floor was open for questions, answers and comments. Comments such as ‘we have been associating with Muslims for ages but it is a big omission that none ever talked to up to now on the significance of fasting and it is indeed only today we got enlightened about fasting’ and ‘in my 38 years of life I have had many Muslim friends but it was only today I attended a Muslim function’ etc, were made by non Muslim brothers and sisters.

The Project Manager of UK Arab Society, Br.Mohammad El Haddad, in his speech said that the event is a great momentum where Muslims and non-Muslims together taking part to share the feelings and experience of this blessed month of Ramadan.

At the appropriate time of 7.37 pm with the recital of the Azaan (call for prayers) at which time the fasting for the day too should be ended, all the guest s were served with dates, the traditional Sri Lankan Muslim kanji, other items and the usual Sri Lankan faluda.

This was followed by dinner ending-up with traditional wattappalm for desert.
The event concluded with the address of thanks delivered by the Chairman, Media and Public Relations of SLIF-UK, As Sheik Najah Mohamed, with the guests departing with a long memorable event in their minds.

-Sri Lanka Guardian

"Between the devil and the deep sea, India fixated on Hafiz Saeed has not option but to engage Pakistan, opening new channels with ISI and the Army."
___________

By Ashok K Mehta

(September 30, New Delhi, Sri Lanka Guardian) No clairvoyance was required to predict that the talks last Sunday between the Foreign Ministers of India and Pakistan at New York about resumption of the composite dialogue would be barren, especially after the perceived breakthrough at Sharm el-Sheikh, delinking dialogue from terrorism. India has taken the stand that Pakistan must take action against the culprits of the Mumbai attack, particularly the mastermind, Hafiz Mohammad Saeed. Pakistan says the case against him is half-baked and a single issue should not hold back the relationship. Further, it regrets that the public momentum of Sharm el-Sheikh has not fully registered in India. Indeed, except for Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, the majority in his party and public opinion in India regard the delinking as untimely and unwise even though he believes that dialogue is the only way forward as conflict with Pakistan is not an option.

Engagement is the accepted mantra of conflict resolution. Pakistan’s civilian Government wants resumption of talks as the best way to prevent attacks by working together and exchanging information, though this route has been tried unsuccessfully earlier. The US feels improved relations will allow Pakistan to focus on fighting the Taliban rather than be distracted by India.

Pakistan’s priority is selectively fighting the Taliban, not turning its guns on Hafiz Saeed and thereby opening a second front. The Afghan Taliban and the Lashkar-e-Tayyeba/Jamaat-ud-Dawa’h are regarded as strategic weapons in Afghanistan and Kashmir respectively for securing strategic depth on both flanks.

The ISI has a deal with the LeT which allows the Punjabi Taliban space to train for jihad and also assist in the war against Pakistan Taliban. There have been no suicide attacks in Punjab for weeks now though they are a regular feature in the North-West. The JuD has a mass popular base due to its ‘philanthropic work’, charities and relief during national disasters currently for Internally Displaced Persons from Swat. Increased violations of the ceasefire agreement of 2003 by Pakistan are designed to pump in LeT reinforcements into Kashmir to activate the dormant militancy this winter.

By taking a public stance of engagement with India, Pakistan is trying to improve its international image and the stock of the civilian regime. Former President Gen Pervez Musharraf is providing out of country support by blaming India for Pakistani youth taking to terrorism due to “oppression of Muslims” in India. Delhi is unlikely to oblige Islamabad in relenting on its core demand of action against Hafiz Saeed, certainly not until the elections in Maharashtra, commemorating the first anniversary of the Mumbai attack and celebrating the unprecedented one year of zero terrorist attacks in India under UPA II.

The credit for no Pakistan-based terrorist strikes must be shared with Washington,DC, and Islamabad. One year — when that happens in November — is a long period of freedom from terrorism and is too unreal to be permanent. In the lull there is a likely deal between the ISI and Punjabi jihadis. More deals get broken than are made in Pakistan, which brings centre-stage the question of linkages in the history of India-Pakistan dialogue.

Delhi has been consistently saying that Pakistan uses terrorism as an instrument of state policy and must abandon it for a fruitful and uninterrupted dialogue to settle by peaceful means, all outstanding issues including Kashmir. While denying any state-sponsorship of terrorism, Pakistan attributes acts of terror to the unresolved Kashmir dispute and lately to India’s indigenous terror outfits. Terrorism and Kashmir have been the core issue with each side advocating its concerns taking precedence over the others. Though never formally articulated, willy-nilly both dropped terrorism and Kashmir “First” before addressing other issues on the composite dialogue. India is no longer — and not for the first time — pressing dismantling of the terrorist infrastructure but disciplining Hafiz Saeed who has filed a case against his arrest.

Look at the dialogue graph and how spoilers have periodically spiked it. The attack on Parliament in December 2001 severed the dialogue process so acutely that the two coun tries nearly went to war. One worthy lesson from Operation Parakram is that was is simply not an option. It was this outcome that persuaded former Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee to extend the hand of friendship to restore the peace process in January 2004. Three valuable years and hard-built trust were lost.

In July 2006, the Mumbai train bombings derailed the talks for several months till Mr Singh and Gen Pervez Musharraf resuscitated the dialogue on the sidelines of the Nam summit in Havana by establishing the discredited Joint Anti-Terror Mechanism which had its first meeting in early 2007. This mechanism became the unlikely crutch with which to rescue any future casualties of the dialogue. The Samjhauta Express attack in February 2007 dislocated the talks which were quickly referred to the JATM. This was followed by the bombing of the Indian Embassy in Kabul in February 2008 and the mother of all terrorist attacks, in November that year in Mumbai.

Not only has no progress been made in the composite dialogue, the overall climate of suspicion and distrust has also worsened and new areas of dispute cropped up — Afghanistan, Baluchistan and water. Between 2002 and 2009 Pakistan’s top leaders have at least six times committed publicly not to permit the use of their soil for attacks against India. Only after Mumbai did Islamabad acknowledge that the attack emanated from its soil, but that there was no involvement of the state.

It is clear that linkages between terror and dialogue have not worked as there is not yet a permanent insulation of the dialogue from spoilers. India’s reaction to terrorist attacks has been proportionate to the visibility of targets, intensity of damage and scale of casualties. The strike on Parliament was equated with an assault on India’s democracy and sovereignty; the Mumbai attacks a stab at India’s commercial heart; and the train attacks while high on casualties were low in profile.

India has moved from zero tolerance to an acceptable threshold and distinguishing between non-state actors and state connivance. Pakistan is suggesting engagement so that future attacks can be prevented. DG ISI, Lt Gen Shuja Pasha has made two recent overtures: briefing Indian High Commission Defence Advisor in Islamabad and attending the Indian High Commissioner’s iftaar.

Between the devil and the deep sea, India fixated on Hafiz Saeed has not option but to engage Pakistan, opening new channels with ISI and the Army.

-Sri Lanka Guardian

Prof. Senaka W. Bibile’s 32nd death anniversary was yesterday:

By Stanley E. Abeynayake

(September 30, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) A medical professor “par excellence” Senaka W. Bibile passed away 32 years ago in remote Guyana in the West Indies apparently of a heart attack on September 29, 1977. Other than being a renowned professor of pharmacology, socialist, humanitarian, he was the founder chairman of the State Pharmaceutical Corporation. He was a popular teacher in the faculties of medicine in Colombo and Peradeniya. His affable ways, kind words, subtle ways of explaining the subject endeared himself to the medical students of his day.

The Bibiles were well-known families in the Uva-Wellassa region once under-developed vast territories now the prosperous districts of Badulla and Moneragala.

Born on February 13, 1920 at Ahangama, Kataluwa his mother’s village, he was named Senaka William Bibile.

His father was Charles William Bibile, a landed proprietor of Bibile Walauwa in the rural village in the Uva Province. Senaka’s mother was Sylvia Jayawardena of “Atatagewatte Walauwa” Kataluwa, Ahangama close to Weligama and Matara towns in the Southern Province.

Young Senaka was admitted to the prestigious Trinity College, Kandy. He put up in the college hostel managed as that of an English public or “grammer” school during the British regime.

His happiness at Trinity was short-lived for Senaka’s father died. In consequence to that calamity, he got into financial straits. The Principal having come to know about that pathetic situation sought the financial assistance of a wealthy philanthropist in Kandy. His endeavour was successful.

That wealthy gentleman readily agreed to help that boy in distress. Trinity College centenary magazine records his various achievements and talents and mentions of his winning the biology prize in which subject he excelled. To qualify as a medical doctor he entered the Faculty of Medicine, in Colombo, University of Ceylon, then known as the Medical College. It should be noted that as a medico he was a beneficiary of the free education scheme - “the priceless pearl” launched by Dr. C.W.W. Kannangara Education Minister. As a medico his life was not a bed of roses. Taking board and lodging in an average hotel in Borella close to the Medical College, he subsisted on frugal meals and tightened his belt. He had to sleep on a wooden bed.

Diligent medico

Senaka, the diligent medico burnt the mid-night oil and in course of time passed the MBBS final with first class honours. He also won the much coveted Dadabhoy prize for medicine and Rockword Gold Medal for Surgery.

After completing his internship at the National Hospital, Colombo then known as the General Hospital, he was posted as the Medical Officer of Health (MOH) Bingiriya, a secluded village in the Kurunegala district. In that capacity he also worked as visiting medical officer (MO) at Bingiriya and Hettipola hospitals, soon he got an appointment as Lecturer in Pharmacology, Colombo Medical Faculty, whilst functioning as a medical teacher he did a research on “Health of Sri Lankans and their dietary habits” along with Professor H. Columbine (Physiology) of the Medical Faculty.

Winning a scholarship, the talented lecturer proceeded to the University of Edinburgh - U.K. and obtained the Ph.D. in Pharmacology cum laude with merit.

Returning to the Motherland in 1951, he resumed his duties in lectureship. His honesty and integrity paved the way for him to become the Head of the Pharmacology Department in 1954. When the new Faculty of Medicine was set up at the Peradeniya University, Professor Senaka Bibile was chosen as the first Dean of the faculty.

A socialist while attending classes, clinics and demonstrations and preparing tutorials the pensive mood of that calm and quiet medico induced him to indulge in thoughts of oppression, poverty exploitation of mankind the lifestyles of haves and have-nots. The anti-capitalist theories of marxism leninism, communism of Engels attracted his attention.

A favourite political slogan of his that was often uttered by him was at the tip of his tongue - “Man is born free, but everywhere he is in chains” (Rousseau).

During the vacations he used to go to remote Bibile, Badulla, his hometown and saw to the needs of poverty stricken peasants. With the money saved in Colombo he helped the poor and sick in his village to purchase drugs. The produce from his lands specially paddy was distributed to the people in need.

From his medical student days he was closely associated with the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) and came into contact with intellectual stalwarts of the Party such as Dr. N.M. Perera, Philip Gunawardena, Dr. Colvin R. de Silva, Leslie Goonewardena, Dr. Osmund Jayaratne, Edmund Samarakkody, Doric D’ Soysa, V. Caralasingham, V. Satchithanandan and the student leaders - Stanley Tillekeratne and K. Shinya.

Communalizing was anathema to that University Don. He never differentiated or discriminated against any person whether Sinhala, Tamil or Moor.

Any human being was a ‘homosapiens’ to him. Unlike several medical doctors bent on solely making money and who hero worship the mighty rupee that “don” of many parts was involved in many facets of life.

A kind-hearted gentleman to the finger tips, unassuming, unpretentious, his interests ranged from medicine, radical political views of the leftists, melodious sweet music, aesthetic amateur photographer, love of nature, horticulture and even the niceties of cookery. That connoisseur of everything beautiful in life was also in the habit of discussing the art of cooking delicious dishes with various flavours to satisfy different palates.

Pharmaceuticals

The Sirimavo Bandaranaike Government that came into power in 1970 entrusted the task of formulating a State Pharmaceutical policy to Dr. S.A. Wickramasinghe, Communist Party Member of Parliament (MP) for Akuressa and Professor Senaka Bibile.

Previously in 1956 the first Woman Health Minister Wimala Wijewardena of the MEP Government of S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike endeavoured in this stupendous work. It became an utter failure.

Again the Health Minister Baduiddin Mahamud in 1960 followed suit that too was a flop. The reason was obvious.

The multi-millionaire drugs manufacturers and dealers surreptitiously used all their contrivances to abort this progressive step to dispose of medicinal drugs reasonably and fairly.

To the rescue of Dr. S.A. Wickremasinghe, MP and Professor Senaka Bibile the Minister in charge of pharmaceuticals at that juncture T.B. Subasinghe stepped in boldly and faced the opposition of affluent monopolistic drug dealers both local and foreign.

The state drugs report prepared by the medical duo was presented to Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike on March 23, 1971. Its main proposal out of the five suggestions was to create the state monopoly of the import of pharmaceuticals.

Their report resulted in the establishment of the State Pharmaceutical Corporation on September 22, 1971. The obvious choice for its first chairmanship was Professor Senaka Bibile. Then onwards his life became perilous at the hands of the drugs vested interests.

At the very outset of assuming duties as the Chairman of the State Pharmaceutical Corporation, he had the audacity to point out that a tablet imported to Sri Lanka at two cents by the private sector was sold at the exorbitant price of 92 cents.

Until then the same drug had been available in the country under a variety of brand names, the only purpose of which was to enrich a host of completing importers and manufacturing multi-millionaire nationals as well as their agents. For instance, at that time there were 23 brands of tetracycline on the market. With the substitution of generic names, sanity was once introduced into the field of pharmaceutical business. During the first year of its existence the Professor Chairman was able to save Rs. 60 million by way of foreign exchange to our country as far as drugs dealings were concerned. The Pharmaceutical Corporation was able to reduce the number of drugs imported from over 4,000 to 171.

Facing opposition

The private sector drug business was diverted to the corporation. Like most innovators, Senaka faced his share of opposition. Time and again his motives were questioned by those who had much to lose by the changes he had initiated. But the greatness of the man lay in his uncompromising struggle to defend what he genuinely felt and knew to be the correct and only scientific approach to pharmaceutical management. He made enemies and those who knew him and these were legion - respected and admired the grit and determination he displayed in what was in fact a social struggle against privilege and vested interests in the world of medicine.

Success

The success of his endeavours was proved by the fact that Sri Lanka was held up by the fifth Non-Aligned Conference in Colombo, 1994 as model to be emulated by other developing countries in the rationalization of the system of drugs procurement and provision.

While serving as the duty conscious chairman of the State Pharmaceutical Corporation he also functioned simultaneously as the Professor of Pharmacology at the Peradeniya Medical Faculty in his inimitable way. An extrovert his lectures were not baring and the medicos listened to him attentively with pin-drop silence. When most of the “days” in his time were extroversion, reticent and reserved, his demeanour was flexible. He was always accessible to his “Charges” - the students. The service offered by him as the SPC Chairman was ex-gratia - without accepting allowances, emoluments or even the use of the official motor-vehicle. Also, a trade union was formed there at his investigation. To cut the unnecessary expenses of the board meetings, he served those present with “plain-tea” and “waddais”. He also organized “Pirith” ceremonies and danas - alms-giving Consultant - UNCTAD.

A prophet is often without honour in his own country. So much so, the UNCTAD invited him to advise thirteen third world countries on the re-organization of pharmaceutical management.

On April 24, 1977 he arrived in Geneva accompanied by his loving, devoted wife, Leela and accepted the assignment as the senior consultant on that subject for a period of eight-months. For that assiduous and hazardous task he availed himself of his sabbatical leave from the Peradeniya University. Initially, in Geneva he prepared drugs policy drafts for Malaysia, Afghanistan and Nepal.

Then onwards he became inimical to drugs manufacturers and dealers. He was undaunted of the imminent dangers to his life. He was, as it were under the “Sword of Damocles”.

From there he took flight to Barbados on August 26, 1977 to prepare drugs programs for the Caribbean islands of Trinidad, Jamaica, Barbados, Ominicia, Grenada, Antigua, Puertorica and Gujana, all tiny islands in the Caribbean Sea - the West Indies. In Barbados, the wife of a medical doctor’s whispered to the ear of Senaka’s wife Leela to the effect that the antagonistic greedy multi-millionaire drugs businessmen might put an end to his precious life. She also advised the couple to return to Sri Lanka at the earliest possible time. But fate decreed otherwise.

True to that gossiping advice, Senaka and Leela were invited to a dinner party. Soon after that party, the Professor was suddenly taken ill. He was hospitalised for a cardiological malady. He succumbed to that heart-attack on September 29, 1977 without proper medical attention in far often George town, Guyana. His remains were cremated on a small pyre. The ashes were brought to Sri Lanka and they were placed in an urn and interred at the Jawatta, Colombo cemetery on October 08, 1977.

Tragic end

Thus ended the invaluable, priceless life of an excellent patriotic son of the soil - Sri Lanka, an unsurpassed humanist, a “Jeevaka” (a medical genius) to the medicos and the ordinary fellow - countrymen alike.

It is evident by a quantum of evidence that he was the victim of a cruel conspiracy hatched by foreign vested interests in the past as it also happens in the present against developing countries in Asia, Africa, Latin America and South America. Professor Senaka Bibile was affectionately known as “Bibs” among his close colleagues. He was a genuine humanist, a lover of mankind. The whole world will stand up and say that this was a man.

The pioneer of the Australian Pharmaceutical Policy Board, Dr. Hart remarked thus in 1993 when he arrived in Sri Lanka.

“Sri Lanka is the summit of a mountain. Senaka Bibile is a glittering lamp on that top. By the glow of that light we, the other countries formulated the drugs policies.

-Sri Lanka Guardian

By Nalin de Silva

(September 30, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Before I get back to culture knowledge problem (which came first) I would like to give more examples for Prof. Amaratunga’s economic determinism before he "discovered" the twin like relationship between culture and economics after he was criticized. The Professor as I mentioned last week is very good at somersaulting and there was nothing on this twins in his article on Tamil Problem and World Power Polarization that appeared on 19th July. In special relativity there is a well known paradox called the twin paradox. One of two twins starts on a voyage and comes back to the starting place where the other twin is, after some time. With what is known as time dilation in special relativity it could be argued that either twin is younger to the other. However there is a way to resolve this so called paradox, but in the case of the twin paradox of Prof. Amaratunga there is only one answer. One of the twins has somersaulted with the Professor. Let us listen to Professor Amaratunga.

"The Western countries would even resort to mass murder to maintain their grip on the world economy. The ultimate goal of all this is nothing else but economic exploitation. Some analysts who seem to be obsessed with a cultural determinism tend to go at a tangent and lose sight of this ultimate aim of the neo-colonialist. They forget that the rich West could maintain their luxurious life style only by plundering the poor. The purpose of the cultural domination that the West attempts is nothing but economic exploitation (emphasis added). The war against the Islamic culture is aimed at maintaining the grip on the oil rich Middle East. That against the Chinese culture is to stop Chinese expansion. Cultural domination by itself is meaningless unless it opens the avenues for economic exploitation." The economic twin in this and the quotation I presented last week has no regard what so ever to the cultural twin whom go hand in hand in Still a Marxist. In Sinhala they say kanna ona unama kabaragoyath thalagoya venavalu.

In the article entitled Still a Marxist Prof. Amaratunga tells us the Dutch "were more interested in growing cinnamon and tobacco in economic exploitation while confining their missionary activities to the coastal belt". The Dutch may have provided ships to "bring the priests from Siam for the restoration of upasampada" but why did they do so. Why did they confine their missionary activities to the coastal belt? The Dutch would have been interested in cinnamon and tobacco cultivation bringing the Vellalas from Coramandel coast and creating the Tamil problem at the same time. It is quite clear that the Dutch did not want to antagonize the Sinhala king (he was Sinhala king whatever was his dynasty) and also trying to hoodwink the king and the Mahasangha by providing ships to bring the Siamese Bhikkhus.

In any event the Dutch were involved with missionary activities and it was they who started the western type schools on a formal footing. Gajaman Nona who herself was a victim of this cultural colonization through schools has referred to these activities of the Dutch. The Dutch insisted that the Buddhists children were converted to Christianity before they were admitted to these schools. The Sinhalas tried to fool the Dutch by being Christians while at school and being Buddhists once they got back home.

Prof. Amaratunga in his wisdom says that "the Britishers who subjugated the entire island were no doubt keen in following the Portuguese but soon realized after the 1817 and 1848 rebellions, that a cultural – spiritual conquest was a near impossibility where the people of this island was concerned. Hence they confined themselves to economic exploitation using a comprador class made of upper class Sinhalese and Tamil leaders…… With the passage of time their main interest was to turn this island into a "Tea Garden". They built roads for that, brought labour from abroad, created a small upper class consisting of both Tamils and Sinhalese who were different to the masters only in the colour of their skin! After a hundred years of governance only 5 percent knew their language in this country! They were the least interested in the cultural conversion of the masses." What Prof. Amaratunga forgets or tries to forget is that the entire system of schools established by the British was nothing but a tool of cultural exploitation. The products of this system and the University College and the University of Ceylon established later were brainwashed to such an instant that even a Sinhala nationalist such as Prof. Amaratunga has the audacity to write of "such inanities as Sinhala Science, Sinhala Biology, Sinhala medical science!" The English speaking people may be even less than 5 percent among the Sinhala people. However, with the so called higher education reaching the villages the Vedamahattayas are being replaced not only by doctors who practice western medicine but also by doctors who practice some brand of Ayurvedic medicine. Cultural conversion can take place in many spheres. The manners, the attitudes and even the usage of the language can be changed without forcing people to change to English. The so called intellectuals in the country can not only teach western science in Sinhala but write western novels in Sinhala. This is what the English (British) have done to the Sinhala people in the country. I have no doubt that the ordinary Tamil people were also subjugated culturally by the English.

Soon after stating that the British were the least interested in the cultural conversion of the masses, almost as an afterthought Prof. Amaratunga adds the following. "Of course they were keen to see that no National leader was allowed to champion the cause of these down trodden masses. The treatment meted out to Anagarika Dharmapala is a good example. However it was because of this attitude of the Britishers that a cultural revival engaging the vast masses was made possible even prior to independence." What does Prof. Amaratunga tell us in these few lines? Apparently the British did not allow a nationalist leader to champion the cause of the down trodden. The treatment meted out to Anagarika Dharmapala shows this. Now was it a cultural subjugation or not? Prof. Amaratunga is not clear on that aspect. However, he says because of this attitude of the British a cultural revival engaging the vast masses was made possible. If the treatment meted out to Anagarika Dharmapala was not a result of cultural subjugation and if the British were the least interested in cultural conversion how was it possible to have "a cultural revival" engaging VAST MASSES. If the treatment meted out to Anagarika Dharmapala was a result of cultural subjugation then it could not be said that the British were the least interested in cultural conversion.

I think I have now shown how Prof. Amaratunga who was a economic determinist on 19th July 2009 became a culture economy twin theorist on 31st August under criticism. He should be commended for changing views when he is shown to be wrong but he should not accuse others as cultural determinists when there is not an iota of truth in it. I have always maintained that western colonialism has three interdependent components, namely economic, political and cultural. Though Prof. Amaratunga has changed his views to include culture as a twin of economy he has still to consider the political component of western cultural colonialism. I will get back to the first cause problem in respect of culture and knowledge probably next week.

-Sri Lanka Guardian

The journey of a journalist (Part 8)

By Shelton A. Gunaratne ©2009

(September 30, Washington, Sri Lanka Guardian) As I asserted at the start of this series, I was born to be a journalist. I became a prolific and challenging scholar only during the final decade before my retirement. I will leave it up to a younger researcher to sort and analyze all of my journalistic and scholarly output. I have referred to only a sample in this series. I still find it exciting to see my name in print.

Now that I am almost at the end of my journey as a journalist and scholar, I feel that someone other than my nāmarūpa should undertake assessing my 22 years at Minnesota State because events are still too recent for my dispassionate explication. However, I feel that I was able to avoid at Minnesota State many of the pitfalls that my adversaries in Malaysia and Australia had set up to entrap me in dukkha.

I found in Buddhist philosophy the solution to the problems of the drama of human existence (viz., man versus man, man versus nature, and man versus self) and also the Dao or marga (the path) to divert communication scholarship from the quagmire of banal research based on false assumptions toward a more creative and dynamic approach based on realistic assumptions.

Just like Charles Dickens influenced my literary and writing style early in my life, the works of Fritjof Capra, the Austrian-born American physicist who is just one year older than I, influenced my thinking on scholarship late in my life. Despite all its alleged faults on simplistic presentation of Eastern religious philosophies, Capra’s The Tao of Physics (1975) convinced me that the Eastern philosophical approaches and quantum physics had so much in common that it made good sense to apply Buddhist and Daoist approaches to scholarship, which had developed as an unrepentant product of Judeo-Christian thinking in the West. Two other books written by Capra, The Web of Life (1997) and The Hidden Connections (2002) impressed me.

My endeavor to introduce Eastern approaches to de-Westernize social science scholarship was reinforced after I read two books written by Amit Goswami, an Indian physicist from Oregon: The Self-Aware Universe (1993) and The Visionary Window (2000).

My post-2000 scholarship represented by The Dao of the Press: A Humanocentric Theory (published in 2005) thus stands in contrast to my previous publications, including The Handbook of the Media in Asia (published in 2000), which followed the traditional Western approach.

I owe a huge intellectual debt to Joanna Macy, who wrote the book Mutual Causality in Buddhism and General Systems Theory (published in 1991) that systematically demonstrated the awesome resemblance between Buddhist philosophy and systems thinking—a resemblance that pleased the Buddhist sociologist Susantha Goonatilake, the author of the delectable book Toward a Global Science (1998 ).

Other scholars who have deeply influenced my post-2000 systems thinking are Immanuel Wallerstein, the originator of world-systems analysis and a merciless critic of social science who asserts that the so-called “scientific method” is a mere Trojan horse implanted to perpetuate the domination of the West over the rest; Ilya Prigogine, who in collaboration with Isabel Stengers, explicated the theory of dissipative structures in the classic Order Out of Chaos (1984); and biologist James Miller, who demonstrated the applicability of the 20 components of a biological system to analyze complex problems at eight hierarchical levels of living systems ranging from cell to supranational system.

Contributions through 2000

I consider the following publications to be the best of my modest scholarly contributions to communication studies through 2000:

* The Taming of the Press in Sri Lanka (Journalism Monographs No. 39). Lexington, Ky.: Association for Education in Journalism, 1975.
* Modernization and Knowledge: A Study of Four Ceylonese Villages (Amic Communication Monograph Series 2). Singapore: Amic. 1976.
* "Old wine in a new bottle: Public journalism, developmental journalism, and social responsibility." (1998). In M. E. Roloff (Ed.), Communication Yearbook 21 (pp. 276-321). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
* Handbook of the Media in Asia. (2000). New Delhi: SAGE Publications.

Post-2000 Contributions

Most of my outstanding publications reflecting the incorporation of Eastern philosophical perspectives appeared after 2000. They include the following listed chronologically:

* "Convergence: Informatization, world system and developing countries." (2001). In W. B. Gudykunst, ed., Communication Yearbook 25 (pp. 153- 199). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. This essay won the 2003 Best Article Award of the International Communication Association.
* “Thank you Newton, welcome Prigogine: 'Unthinking' old paradigms and embracing new directions—Part 1 Theoretical distinctions” (2003). Communications: The European Journal of Communication Research, 28 (4), 435-455.
* The Dao of the Press: A Humanocentric Theory (2005), Cresskill, NJ: Hampton Press.
* “Public diplomacy, global communication, and world order: An analysis based on theory of living systems” (2005). Current Sociology, 53 (5), 749-772.
* “A Yijing view of world-system and democracy” (2006). Journal of Chinese Philosophy, 33 (2), 191 - 211
* “Public Sphere and Communicative Rationality: Interrogating Habermas's Eurocentrism” (2006). Journalism & Communication Monographs, 8 (2).
* “Falsifying two Asian paradigms, and de-Westernizing science” (2008). Communication, Culture & Critique, 1(1) 70-83.
* “Globalization: A non-Western perspective—the bias of social science/ communication oligopoly” (2009). Communication, Culture & Critique, 2 (1), 60-82.
* “Buddhist goals of journalism and the news paradigm” (2009). Javnost—the Public, 16 (2), 61-76.
* “Emerging global divides in media and communication theory: European universalism versus non-Western reactions” (2009). Asian Journal of Communication, 19 (3)

Pointing Out to Future

1. Instead of reifying social science, non-Western scholars in particular have an ethical obligation to de-Westernize all dimensions of journalism and communication studies.

In The Dao of the Press, I exposed the irrefutable biases of the classic four theories of the press—authoritarian, libertarian, social responsibility and communist—popularized by Siebert, Peterson and Schramm since the mid-’50s. They focused on the Enlightenment view of a libertarian press as the ideal, and categorized the main deviations from it into three other broad “theories.” The writings of Edward Said on Orientalism and Eurocentrism convinced me that Enlightenment thinking was an assertion on the supremacy of the West, rather than a universal reflection of human thought. The four-theories-of-the-press design vitiated the objective grounding touted as a pre-requisite needed to build a scientific theory of the press.

2. Focus on building more challenging “humanocentric” theories that reflect the cultural, political and economic experiences of all human beings in the context of their own environments, thereby helping to reduce anthropocentrism

I have introduced a “humanocentric” theory of the press (a theory that goes beyond the experiences of the Western people) by grounding it on ti-lakkhana (the Buddhist view of existence)—anatta (no-self/ interdependence), anicca (impermanence/ change) and dukkha (suffering/ unsatisfactoriness). The concept of anatta asserts that everything in the universe is interconnected and interdependent. (Physics has established that everything in the cosmos is interconnected by electricity, magnetism, gravity, and strong and weak forces.). Thus, the study of parts without the context of the whole can produce unreliable results because it fails to take into account the impact of emergence, the unique “extra something” that only the whole can engender through the interaction of all its parts. [This is why we assert that the whole is more than the sum of its parts.]

Yet, this is what many scholars do. They follow the mechanical linear model that arose from the “philosophic/ scientific” thinking of Rene Descartes (Cartesius, who died in 1650) and Isaac Newton (d. 1727). They conduct reliability tests, which are “unreliable” because everything is anicca (subject to ongoing change) and no event is repeatable to produce the identical result. The interaction of anatta and anicca brings about dukkha (unsatisfactoriness).

The static Cartesian-Newtonian model presumes the existence of independent variables in contrast to the Buddhist assertion that everything is interdependent as explicated in the operational dynamics of the paticca samuppada (dependent co-arising) model of 12 nidānas (conditional factors). Researchers have often used the C-N model to analyze the linear effect of independent variables on a dependent variable taking refuge in the ceteris paribus (“all other things being equal”) excuse. The anicca concept in Buddhist philosophy does not permit the ceteris paribus presumption because it violates the reality of ongoing change in an interdependent whole.

3. Begin with the whole before focusing on the part, and concede the limitations of the Western definition of science. This Buddhist approach is consistent with systems thinking.

Science claims its eminence on objectivity and testability. But most complex phenomena in the universe are not objectively measurable. Quantum theory asserts that objectivity is an oxymoron. Moreover, science alone is unable to explain the universe as a whole without recourse to philosophy and theology. Thus I ask: If the Buddhist assertion that everything in the universe is interconnected and interdependent is empirically not testable, does that make it a falsehood?

Science limits itself severely by using “testability” as the criterion for its supposed independence from philosophy. This vitiates the Buddhist assertion that nothing is independent. If “science” is incapable of “testing” complex phenomena at the universal or holistic level, then long-standing ontological (metaphysical) assertions should command the same authority as epistemological (empirically tested) assertions until disproved.

4. Blending Western theories with related theories from non-Western cultures is one avenue available for developing humanocentric theories.

In The Dao of the Press, I outlined a theory of communication outlets and free expression (TCOFE) by blending the key concepts of Western and Eastern philosophies appertaining to the press system that one can recognize as opposites or complements that befit the Chinese yin-yang principle. Because Buddhism denies the existence of absolute freedom by emphasizing anatta (no-self/interdependence), a socially responsible journalism is much more important from the Eastern perspective than a putative free press. Therefore, my theory should be renamed TCORJ, the last two letters standing for “responsible journalism.” I have demonstrated how TCORJ works in a revised explanation in my 2007 essay “Let many journalisms bloom: Cosmology, Orientalism, and freedom” China Media Research, 3 (4), 60-73.

5. Explicate the unique opportunities offered by Buddhist journalism, which no other genre of journalism—developmental, civic/ public, peace, etc.—is able to offer to improve the quality of journalism, journalists and their profession.

I have illustrated (in my2009 Javnost article and elsewhere) how the Noble Eightfold Path, including the Four Noble Truths and the operational mechanism of paticca samuppada (dependent co-arising), offers the framework for a universally applicable normative theory of the press, a TCORJ. Because this Buddhism-based normative theory is more humanocentric/ universalistic than the Westcentric social responsibility theory, non-Western scholars could apply the goals of Buddhist journalism to compare and contrast the traits of the contemporary output of journalism that reflects the instrumental materialistic weaknesses of the dominant/Western news paradigm.

6. Concede that rights cannot exist without concomitant responsibilities within the framework of Asian philosophy. The notion of (human) rights sans responsibilities is a Western philosophical construct based on a transcendental faith in individual sovereignty. Asian philosophy reflects the ti-lakkhana—impermanence, interdependence and unsatisfactoriness.

The concept of “inalienable rights” is based on the Western philosophical belief in individual freedom: God created the human and gave him/her free will irrespective of responsibilities. (This is the root of individualism in Western society.) Therefore, this concept defies Western science. Buddhism, on the other hand, asserts that the human is interdependent (anatta) with his/her environment, and is free only to the extent that his/her freedom does not adversely impinge on the environment. Therefore, no rights can exist without responsibilities. Asian scholars are duty bound to edify Western champions of freedom of the press on this crucial difference in perspectives.

Next: Part 9—A second internship in ‘step land’

[The writer is a professor of mass communications emeritus, Minnesota State University, Moorhead. He dedicates this installment to the memory of S. Easparathasan, D. C. Jayakuru, W. Monnankulame, D. B. Ranatunge, and S. G. Tennekoon, all of whom were his contemporaries in Peradeniya, c. 1960.]

-Sri Lanka Guardian

By Terry Lacey

(September 30, Jakarta, Sri Lanka Guardian) The Bangkok Climate Change talks involved 1,500 delegates. There seems to be no problem paying for all these people to troop around the world talking about climate change. From New York to Bangkok, from Barcelona to Copenhagen.

But nobody yet seems to want to actually pay enough to make it work.

In the past the more countries developed and grew the more their emissions of greenhouse gases (GHG). But Southern countries don’t see why they should agree to costly technologies and tougher emissions targets, unless the West helps pay for it.

After all the West is still clinging to majority shares and just over half the votes in the World Bank and IMF, based on global economic domination built up using dirtier previous energy technologies , but now expects Asia and Southern countries to cripple themselves with higher costs and ambitious emissions targets and then buy Western clean technologies as well.

Why should the countries of Asia and the South agree to this double whammy of undermining their own industrial competitiveness with the controls the West didn’t quite manage for itself, while backing a Western clean technology export drive ?

China and Southern countries like Brazil and Indonesia are willing to greatly expand the use of renewable energy and energy efficiency and cut emissions, but this is easier said than done and requires a big increase in technical capacity as well as access to technology and finance.

The G20 summit in Pittsburgh also promised the phasing out of subsidies on fossil fuel, which holds back renewable energy and energy efficiency.

The rapid expansion of renewable energy and energy efficiency and phased termination of subsidies on fossil fuel and electricity both depend on public administration reform, re-targeting of social subsidies, improved capacity to manage massive inward investment into clean energy and adaptation of regulatory frameworks, especially to facilitate public-private sector partnerships.

In all these areas ASEAN and Asian governments make clear that the spirit is willing but the capacity is weak, and needs rapid strengthening.

Fitrian Ardiansyah, of the World Wildlife Fund (WWF), writes in The Jakarta Post (29.09.09) that if the world is to move $1.3 trillion per year in private sector annual investment to Southern economies, as advised by the International Energy Agency (IEA), then pump-priming technical assistance and technology transfer financing is essential.

China has said it wants to see the equivalent of up to an additional one per cent of GDP flows on top of existing Official Development Assistance (ODA) to pull the Southern countries onto a faster track towards clean energy economies.

But this could mean doubling world ODA, which does not seem so likely straight after the biggest Western bank crash and recession since the 1930´s.

The best solution seems to be a combination of targeted technical assistance to promote clean energy and energy efficiency technologies, support for manufacturing the equipment in Asia via joint ventures, better targeting of export credits, some encouragement for Western and Southern state and commercial banks and strengthening of carbon-credit markets, backed by levies on aviation and shipping.

And the money has to be relatively easy for projects to get at, not wrapped up in excessive bureaucracy and complex trust funds. Real money you can feel, not recycling the same old Rose in second hand clothes.

And if we cant get this moving promptly in up-and-coming Asia then it won´t work either in Africa and Latin America. So how is it really going to work and when do we start ?

Terry Lacey is a development economist who writes from Jakarta on modernization in the Muslim world, investment and trade relations with the EU and Islamic banking.

-Sri Lanka Guardian

"The Government should already have a strategy in place to deal with this problem in any case, and if it doesn’t it should be well into the process of working it out. This must recognise that things are different now that terrorism has no base or organisational structure and leadership in the country."
__________

By Kath Noble

(September 30, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Security is a controversial word. None of us wants to be blown up in a suicide attack, but neither would we care to be incarcerated for months on end on mere suspicion of involvement in such a crime or even just sympathy for a terrorist’s cause. There is a balance to be struck. We generally accept this need for compromise, but what it should be and how we should go about reaching it isn’t always so obvious.

The ongoing detention of IDPs requires serious debate. While the Government claims to have released some 30,000 of the 290,000 people who came down from the Vanni, most of whom have been resettled in the East and parts of the Vavuniya, Mannar and Jaffna districts that have been demined, that isn’t enough. All of the IDPs have been held for at least four months, but it will have been much longer for some. Six months ago, there were already 60,000 people in Menik Farm.

I don’t agree with many of the criticisms of the facilities provided by the Government. When I visited Menik Farm in June, the situation was reasonable. People used to viewing the world from the balconies of five star hotels or through the darkened windows of their air-conditioned Pajeros would undoubtedly disagree, but neither I nor the IDPs fall into that category.

That said, things are probably worse now. It was clear to me at the time that arrangements that were manageable in dry weather would become unbearable as soon as the monsoon arrived. You don’t need to be an expert to predict the impact of heavy rain on life in tents that aren’t waterproof set up on vast swathes of bare earth with little in the way of drainage.

It is sad that improvements are being made at what can only be described as a woefully slow pace, and a good part of the blame for this must fall on the United Nations and other international agencies. They have been trying to force the Government to release the IDPs by refusing to provide more than the basics, but all they have succeeded in doing is making life worse for the people there. However good their intentions, the donors fundamentally misunderstood the Government and the nature of the pressure they could exert. The IDPs could have explained these obvious facts of life if they’d been asked.

Of course, the Government should have accepted that it wasn’t going to get its way and asked the Security Forces to do the work instead. Cutting back on unproductive foreign tours by ministers and their hangers-on would have paid for a good deal of the materials needed, I would have thought.

This is not the real issue. Even if life were blissfully comfortable in Menik Farm, we would still need to ask whether the threat posed by the release of the IDPs justified their confinement.

Last week, a Sri Lankan friend currently visiting family in America sent me a book that I found to be highly relevant to this discussion. Published in 2004, America the Vulnerable is a fascinating look at how successive governments have failed to protect their citizens from terrorism, even after the September 11th attacks demonstrated the consequences. The author, a former officer in the coastguard who served as an advisor to both the Bush senior and Clinton administrations, argues that the War on Terror has been worse than useless. Money and precious lives have been spent on giving America a false impression of security.

He blames this on the defence establishment. It wants to fight in the same way that it has always done, never mind the fact that the threat to America changed significantly with the end of the Cold War.

The American government made its first error in conceptualising the task it faced as a War on Terror. It should have accepted that the problem of terrorism could not be permanently or totally solved. As the only superpower, hostility to America is inevitable, the author says, and this is only worsened by its actions. Motive will therefore persist for some time. What’s more, opportunities to take action are vastly increased in this globalised world, as people and goods move ever more freely across borders, while the means is easily available too.

Instead, efforts should have been directed towards reducing the chance of a strike and building capacity to respond when it happened. The September 11th attacks exploited known weaknesses in the transportation system and, as Osama bin Laden pointed out afterwards, their impact was greatly enhanced by the decisions taken by the authorities themselves.

The author sets out his proposals in detail, from enhancing controls on goods being shipped into the country and improving security at chemical plants and facilities with access to dangerous biological materials to providing the emergency services with the equipment and skills needed to respond effectively to a dirty bomb and establishing systems to contain interventions in the food chain. They are simple and practical measures that would have a real deterrent effect if implemented, yet none involve curtailing essential liberties. The author shows how many of the ideas have other benefits too.

One cautionary tale he tells in the process sticks in the mind. Describing attempts to clamp down on illegal entry from Mexico, the author explains that measures to enhance security have to be carefully thought out. America recruited hundreds of agents to boost its patrols of the border, invested in some of the latest technology and put more officials at crossings to carry out thorough inspections of people and vehicles. In the process, it created entirely new and more difficult problems for itself. First, a professional human smuggling industry emerged, meaning that people with money could get across the border even more easily than before. Secondly, freight companies found the increased delays at checkpoints so annoying that they started offloading their goods in the last town in America and hiring local agents to get them to Mexico to be picked up at the other side. This industry was far more prone to crime, with old trucks and underpaid and often temporary drivers.

The author says that the worst error made by the defence establishment was in resisting genuinely effective steps to protect the country from terrorism in order to ensure full support for its preferred approach of pursuing the ringleaders. For the last century and more, America has fought its enemies overseas and it was convenient for its leaders to believe that this was still possible. It allowed them to pursue other goals under the banner of the War on Terror, and it reduced pressure to shift resources away from the defence establishment to the police, customs and other such agencies. They invaded Afghanistan. This was the high profile role that the defence establishment was used to playing.

It just wasn’t much help in stopping terrorists. America is as much at risk of an incident like or even much worse than the September 11th attacks as it has ever been, the author complains.

The problem of terrorism in America is obviously different to what Sri Lanka faces, but America the Vulnerable highlights some of the traps that leaders can fall into when dealing with issues of security. It is about thinking rationally and being ready to accept the fact that people in charge of protecting their citizens from terrorism don’t always know best.

Coming back to the IDPs, holding 260,000 people against their will for between four and nine months is a huge thing. The Government should not be allowed to dismiss criticism of this decision without proper argument.

The demining excuse is completely irrelevant. I wouldn’t argue that the Government had to resettle everybody in Menik Farm immediately or even the bulk within six months as has been promised. There are many people in this country who have been forced to leave their homes during the war and for other reasons, and they all need help to get back to their normal lives. Those who have spent decades in camps must not be overlooked in the hurry to meet targets set under pressure from other countries in the immediate aftermath of the war victory. We know that reconstruction doesn’t happen overnight, even when there aren’t mines to be uprooted. Five years after the tsunami, work to restore infrastructure is still going on in some areas. The Government must look at the entire task it is faced with and set a timetable for people to inspect and judge for themselves.

I do believe that screening to identify the many cadres who came down from the Vanni amidst the civilians is a good idea, but the Security Forces cannot be given an unlimited amount of time to do this. The suffering such a policy causes innocent people caught up in the process eventually outweighs the benefits of catching the guilty. I think we have reached that point now.

The fact is that there are plenty of terrorists outside the camps. These include the apparently large number who have escaped from Menik Farm and those who have been living in all parts of the country for years. They have weapons and the enthusiasm and money of their diaspora backers to help. The support of a few more cadres really can’t be that important.

The Government should already have a strategy in place to deal with this problem in any case, and if it doesn’t it should be well into the process of working it out. This must recognise that things are different now that terrorism has no base or organisational structure and leadership in the country.

It is in its own interests to rethink the approach. Although resting up in camps after the horrors of Mullaitivu in the last days of the war may not have been so bad for a while, given that most of the IDPs would simply have been relieved to be alive, this period is over. The longer people spend there against their will, the more disgruntled they will become and the harder reconciliation will prove. Their voting for the Government and its allies will be even less likely, too.

Security matters, but we are not faced with a straight choice between perpetuating the serious denial of rights and throwing ourselves on top of a claymore mine. Those who try to tell us otherwise are either foolish or lying.

-Sri Lanka Guardian