D.R. Wijewardene was hooted and everyone cheered

"What all this means is that complaint has to fall back finally on stated criteria. And, when it comes to things subjective, unless injustice stands out like a sore thumb, it is better for contestants and others to grin and bear."
.......................................

by Malinda Seneviratne

(July 31, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Those who submit to assessment, one assumes, know on what they will be judged and would do well to reconcile themselves to living with the judgment. Judgment can sometimes be utterly subjective. Political and other loyalties can come into play. That’s part of the story and those who submit to judgment cannot pretend to be innocent about such things.

This is true of all awards, by the way, local and foreign, pertaining to literature, cinema, music and other art forms as well as sports and journalism. Where assessment does not refer only to objective criteria (for example aggregates, averages, number of wickets or catches taken in cricket or number of tries scored in rugby) adjudication is tough and can draw all kinds of flak; one eye being different from the next. The same goes for team selection I suppose. Selectors have to draw on multiple data sets and not all the information can be quantified or categorized.

What all this means is that complaint has to fall back finally on stated criteria. And, when it comes to things subjective, unless injustice stands out like a sore thumb, it is better for contestants and others to grin and bear.

Now I submit work for assessment, even though I am not exactly in awe of the awarding institutions or the judges they appoint and am not shy to say that some of their MCs could offer themselves as prime examples of the adage ‘pirunu kale diya no-sele’ (the pot full of water makes no noise). I don’t complain about the judges or judging. I congratulate winners, chit-chat and go home. I feel, however, that I can talk about awards that refer to the public sphere and which lend towards public spectacle. In short, the Excellence in Journalism Awards. Even shorter, the ‘by-nomination’ D.R. Wijewardene Award ‘for earning the appreciation of peers and the public.’ I can speak on account of being ‘peer’ and part of ‘public’.

The main award was given to Iqbal Athas while Shamindra Ferdinando, Sirimevan Kasthuriarachchi, Mihiri Fonseka and Ramesh Warallagama received ‘honourable mention’. Conspicuous absentees include Ranga Jayasuriya (Sunday Lakbima News) and Tissa Ravindra Perera (Rivira) but let’s put that down to ‘personal preference’ (I am in a generous mood). The relevant citation had mentioned that the year under consideration, 2009, was a period of political and military uncertainly and that the awarders wanted to reward writing in the public interest, keeping the people informed and offering relevant analysis.

Here’s the first and most pertinent factor that struck me. Iqbal Athas did not write a single defence article in any Sri Lankan newspaper in the year under review! His last column was on December 28, 2008 where he basically said that it was all a toss up, i.e. either the Government forces or the LTTE could emerge winner. Now this ‘astute analyst’ did not foresee that 5 days later, the security forces would capture Kilinochchi. That should earn a zero for analytical ability, don’t you agree?

Athas fled the country. Well, some might say that had he not, he would have been arrested for putting the lives of soldiers at risk by mischievous journalism. If it was the truth and nothing but the truth, then one can defend Athas, but this was not the case. He played his cards as he had done for years during the Chandrika Kumaratunga regime and during Ranil Wickremesinghe’ brief stint as Prime Minister. Why did Chandrika give him bodyguards (5 or 6 I believe). What kind of journalistic courage did he have if he required such protection? Who was he afraid of? His is a history of trying to sabotage efforts to end the terrorist menace. He was selective in his truth-exposing and that’s the rub and that’s what makes this award even more of an insult to those who wrote without fear or favour (and paid a heavy price too, for example Keith Noyahr) and those who were more honest, i.e. took a side and stated bias.

Corruption should be exposed, let there be no confusion about this. If it was in saluting the truth, I would salute this man. He will know but would not tell I am sure whether he was wined and dined by the LTTE. I hope he was not. And I hope he didn’t blackmail any Army Officers or obtained any favour on threat of exposing wrong-doing. He would be able to tell us whether or not he got a piece of state land through blackmail. His selectivity of ‘fact’ and the line he deliberately pushed is pretty evident. It could be put down to rank dishonesty or downright incompetence. In my generous mood, I will defer to the latter. It is established that the man was not an analyst worth his monthly pay cheque, forget about peer recognition.

Now, there are defence correspondents and defence correspondents. Some just state facts. Some are selective about what they say. Some are into military games of ego-boosting and career enhancement. Some get paid for their dirty work. Some give you the facts, give you the analysis and make sure that national security is not compromised in their writings. That’s skill. Iqbal sad to say, was not skilled.

Journalists have a role to play. As whistle blower and as watch dog. We are good at pointing fingers. We are terrible when it comes to admitting that our house is not in order. Something fishy must have been happening and I am pretty sure that D.R. Wijewardene, wherever he may be today, must be frowning.

Iqbal, if he had any integrity, should have rejected the award politely saying “thanks, but folks, I did not write in the year 2009 and also, I got it all wrong the last time I wrote’. I might add, ‘you were bound to, buddy’. As I said, a defence correspondent who could not foresee the capture of Kilinochchi 5 days before it happened ought to give up. Maybe that’s what he did and if that was what happened then he doesn’t deserve this award. As for those who made this determination, they stand judged too and they are not looking very pretty right now.

Malinda Seneviratne is a freelance writer who can be reached at malinsene@gmail.com

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UN tribunal sentenced Ex-Khmer Rouge jailer to 19 years...how about Mahinda and Co!

by Satheesan Kumaaran

(July 31, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian)The United Nations-backed tribunal found the former Khmer Rouge chief jailer, Kaing Guek Eav, aka Duch, guilty of war crimes against humanity on July 26, 2010। During the four-year hard-line communist reign from 1975 to 1979, the Khmer Rouge, which was headed by Pol Pot, was blamed for the deaths of 1।7 million Cambodians. Duch was one of the perpetrators of the crimes against humanity and sentenced to 19 years. The question is, why doesn’t the UN do the same for perpetrators in Sri Lanka for unleashing genocidal war against Tamils?

The sentencing of the former jailer, Duch, is the first verdict to be given against a senior member of the genocidal regime. The Maoist regime leader, Pol Pot, died in 1998. However, four other top members of the Khmer Rouge are awaiting trial, along with current ruling government leaders, including the prime minister and other senior ministers who were once low-level members of the Khmer Rouge.

Despite the fact that the victims of the genocidal war in Cambodia urged the tribunal to give a verdict of not less than the punishment of life sentence for Duch, the tribunal sentenced him to 35 years in prison, but subtracted the 11 years he had already spent in detention, and a further five for cooperating with the court. That means that the 67 year-old Duch could be released as little as 19 years.

Did the tribunal act impartially?

The question of credibility of the tribunal is challenged by many Cambodians now. Yes, it is true that the tribunal did not fulfill the sentiments of the victims of the Cambodians. The victims clearly pointed out after the verdict was given that the tribunal should have sentenced Duch the maximum penalty for his heinous actions.

During his 77-day proceedings, Duch admitted to heading Toul Sleng, a top secret detention centre for the worst “enemies” of the state. More than 16,000 people passed through its gates before they were killed. Torture used to extract confessions included pulling out prisoners’ toenails, administering electric shocks, and waterboarding.

The decision to shave 16 years for time already served and illegal detention in a military prison, triggered public outrage. “I can’t accept this,” said Saodi Ouch, 46. She was weeping so hard she could hardly talk. “My family died ... my older sister, my older brother. I’m the only one left.”

After the Khmer Rouge was forced from power in 1979, Duch disappeared for almost two decades, living under various aliases in north western Cambodia, where he had converted to Christianity. His chance discovery by a British journalist led to his arrest in May 1999.

“I’m shocked, as everyone is right now,” said a human rights lawyer, Theary Seng, who lost both of her parents and has been working with other victims to get justice. “It’s just unacceptable to have a man who killed thousands of people serving just 19 years.” Despite the public’s outcry, sentencing for this criminal element has shown that justice at least has not yet died.

But then how about Mahinda and Co?

After hearing the verdict on Duch, it is no doubt that the Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa, Defence Secretary Gothabaya Rajapaksa, etc., would have gotten frustrated by this decision, and indeed they live in anxiety with the knowledge that the same fate will be directed against them next. In order to make it happen, the UN has taken serious steps to investigate the crime over the perpetrators in Sri Lanka.

Although the war with the LTTE ended last year, the government is still conducting its activities concerning the genocidal agenda. Despite that the UN Secretary-General Ban-ki Moon appointed a three-member panel to conduct the investigations into the events of last phase of the war, the Sri Lankan government is directly threatening the UN not to interfere with the sovereignty of Sri Lanka, and declared that it would not grant a visa to enter Sri Lanka. The members of the panel are: South African human rights lawyer, Yasmin Sooka; Steven Ratner, a US international law expert; and former attorney-general of Indonesia, Marzuki Darusman, who is heading the three-member panel.

UN sources revealed that the panel had their first meeting in New York early this week and they continue discussions with UN officials. Ban-ki Moon’s spokesman, Farhan Haq, told the media, “What they are doing is trying to see particularly judging from how other similar circumstances have been handled; how to deal with the question of accountability.”

The Cambodian case is an excellent one, which can be taken as a model to deal with Mahinda and Co. for the genocidal war committed by them against Tamils. The US State Department and leading international human rights organizations have well documented evidence concerning the Sri Lankan State’s war against Tamils, and how they massacred innocent Tamils.

The US Secretary of State, Mrs Clinton, said: “I think this commission holds promise and we hope and expect that it will fulfil that promise. We expect that the mandate will enable them to fully investigate serious allegations of violations.” She further said: “The panel should be independent, impartial and competent.” Yes, this is what the Tamils want for the perpetrators of the crime against humanity.

The UN should not adjust its mandate to investigate the crime just because the UN faces pressure from Sinhala extremists like JHU, etc. The Buddhist monks led Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU), a coalition partner in the ruling government led by Mahinda Rajapaksa, a well documented Sinhala extremist party, which vomited venomous words against Tamils. Recently, this party staged a protest in front of the UN headquarters in Colombo against Ban ki-Moon’s move to appoint a panel to advise him on alleged human rights violations during the last phase of the war.

The newly appointed JHU leader, Prof Omalpe Sobhitha thero, said it is ironic that an organisation “formed to unite the world, to resolve conflicts are engaged in an international conspiracy against re-establishing peace in Sri Lanka.” He added that Mr. Moon’s move was an intervention in Sri Lankan affairs and an undemocratic. “This is an uncivilised, uncultured, and impolite act,” the thero added.

Also, the legal advisor to the JHU and a minister in Western Provincial Council, Udaya Gammanpila, accused the West of being jealous of Sri Lanka’s war victory against the LTTE. He said: “America and England are struggling to fight against lame Taliban while we defeated the LTTE. That is why they are jealous.”

Most recently, Mr. Wimal Weerawansa, who is a Cabinet Minister in the Mahinda-led government, also conducted a fast unto death to oppose the UN’s move to investigate the war crime allegations. In fact, the UN closed its Colombo office as a result of what it calls unruly protests organized and led by a Cabinet Minister of the Government. The UN termed the event unacceptable that the Sri Lankan authorities had failed to prevent the disruption of the normal functioning of the UN offices in Colombo. A step further, Moon recalled the Resident Coordinator, Neil Buhne, to New York for consultation. After few days, Buhne returned to Colombo following his discussions with Moon.

Despite the feud between the Sri Lankan government and the United Nations, the Sri Lankan government is on the move to form an ally to oppose Moon’s second term. Moon’s first term ends on December 31, 2011, and the possibility for a second consecutive term is challenged by Sri Lanka with the support of countries such as Russia, China, India, and Brazil. Moon will be a potential candidate for the second term with the support of western countries.

In the meantime, the Sri Lankan high commission officials in New York said on condition of anonymity that the UN never requested the Sri Lankan government to issue the visa for the three members of the panel to conduct the war crime investigations.

Inner City Press reported this week that there was a heated argument between UN officials and reporters last week and this week over Sri Lankan soldiers’ misconduct in the Sudan where the Sri Lankan soldiers conducted sexual abuses. The reporters pointed out how could it possible for the UN to admit the Sri Lankan soldiers who unleashed genocidal war against Tamils in Sri Lanka, as well as facing war crime investigations by the UN, to act as UN peace mission abroad? The UN officials replied saying that they did not have to reveal everything to the reporters.

The double-standard play of the UN over Sri Lanka is the question in the hearts and minds of the Tamils who were victims of the genocidal war instigated by the Sri Lankan State. Tamils are eagerly waiting to see whether the UN will bring the perpetrators of the crime to justice through tribunal as a precedent of former Khmer Rouge’s chief jailer who has been found guilty with the sentence of 19 years. The UN, as a world organization, has the mandate to bring the perpetrators of the crimes against humanity whether they live in Cambodia, Yogoslavakia, Sudan, Rwanda, or Sri Lanka.

The United Nations, at any cost, should stick to its stand to complete its investigation into war crime allegations in Sri Lanka without succumbing to any pressure from Sri Lanka and its new friends. It is the UN, the only world organization, which has to prevent recurrences of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Any failure of the UN to bring Mahinda and his accomplices to book for their crimes against humanity will encourage others to commit similar crimes in the days to come.

As Moon is considered a potential candidate for the second term by the western countries, there is no room for him to compromise. The western world also has a moral responsibility to extend their fullest cooperation to the UN’s move so that justice prevails in Sri Lanka. Like the tribunal sentenced Duch to 19 years, the UN should do the same thing in other places where thousands of people have been massacred in the guise of fighting terrorism. The perpetrators of crimes against humanity should be sentenced. A classic example is Sri Lanka, where tens of thousands of people were killed and tortured in a clear genocidal war. The Sri Lankan government is still engaging in genocide to cleanse the Tamils. This is clear evidence of ethnic cleansing. Human rights activists expect that the UN will do the same thing against the war criminals in Sri Lanka as they did in Cambodia.

(The author can be reached at e-mail: satheesan_kumaaran@yahoo.com)

3:54:00 PM | Posted in | Read More »

Dismantling ‘Us and Them’ Divide

by Shanie

Our neighbours are strange creatures
All the furniture with
unfitting colours,
Smelling dried fish
one cannot stand
The sound of party
that is deafening
(the lines of pop songs make walls collapse)
Really crazy…

Not like us
When we look around the world
Quite frankly
we are the only
human beings:
Myself and my people
Really crazy…
Not like them.


(July 31, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian)
This poem is part of a larger one that a young Sinhala poet Upali Ubayasekera wrote in 2008 and is quoted in an essay that Liyanage Amarakeerthi wrote earlier this year. Amarakeerthi, a University Don from Peradeniya’s Sinhala Department, was writing about the current state of Sinhala writing and urging greater cosmopolitanism and less nationalism in Sinhala writing. In that essay, he stated that there were however emerging young writers like Ubayasekera who were prepared to critique both economic globalization and cultural nationalism. In the poem (which was translated from the Sinhala by Amarakeerthi himself), the young poet refers to the mind-set of many people to artificially create a divide between ‘us’ and ‘them’. By this mental division, we try to create an illusion that we are different and, by definition, superior to ‘them’. Such a state of mind can be quite self-destructive. We are unwilling to examine ourselves or to engage in any form of self-criticism.

In that essay, Amarakeerthi wrote: "Even after the demise of the LTTE, the Sinhala nationalists continue to talk of ‘Western conspiracies’ and the like. For them, all NGOs are pro-Western, and anyone speaking of freedom of expression, devolution of power or simply ‘peace’ is automatically to be considered a paid agent of the West. From this we can see that if ‘mental colonialism’ did not end with Independence in Sri Lanka, that mindset is today being propagated by nationalists (this despite most of these intellectuals themselves being Western-educated). By continuing to place such emphasis on the West, the key players of the Sinhala nationalist discourse are in fact the main propagators of Western dominance in Sri Lanka, simply by over-emphasising the boundary between the purported West and East." Although Amarakeerthi’s was only writing about the current state of Sinhala writing, his critique is equally applicable to many Sri Lankans today. Across the ethnic divide, the mind-set is ‘us’ and ‘them’. One has only to read the inane comments that are posted in web blogs and even in the mainline newspapers to realize the self-destructive path that our people are taking.

The defeat of the northern insurgency presented an opportunity to forge national reconciliation and for us to reach out to the ‘other’. But the politicians saw that only as an opportunity to create greater political space for themselves, inventing conspiracies and treacheries, but in reality reinforcing the ‘us and them’ mind-ser. That this was taking the country down the slippery path of self-destruction did not seem to matter so long as it provided short-term political gain. It is here that we need an enlightened civil society and intellectuals like Amarakeerthi to speak up and urge that we engage in self-examination and self-criticism rather than attach the label of ‘traitors’ and ‘paid agents of conspirators’ to all who express a point of view different from us. The need of the hour is reconciliation in all areas of our national life but sadly we are becoming captives to narrow nationalism.

In the aftermath of her election victory in 1994, the then President Chandrika Kumaratunga sent groups of political and civil society leaders to the North as ambassadors for reconciliation. Her thinking, quite rightly, was that it would prepare the ground work for a negotiated political settlement to the National Question. These ‘ambassadors’ were mobbed as they went around Jaffna and a tremendous mood was created for dialogue to end the insurgency. The kind of euphoric reception that Chandrika Kumaratungaambassadors received in Jaffna obviously alarmed the LTTE leadership. They saw the groundswell of support that was growing for the Chandrika initiative and thought that their hold over the people would soon be lost. And they found a lame pretext to resume the war.

A negotiated settlement of any conflict can only come about if there is mutual trust between the parties involved. This was what Chandrika Kumaratunga hoped to establish by her initiative. Negotiations would have floundered unless there was this trust. And the LTTE leadership knew this well and therefore sought to crush it. This is where one has to question the strategy of the present political leadership. No attempt is being made to establish trust. Indeed, what is being created is a feeling of deep distrust. The continued occupation of private lands and the statement that more private lands may have to be occupied to ensure ‘security’ has disturbed the local people in the North and East that there is a hidden agenda to change the ethnic distribution of the population. The government statement that permanent settlements of military personnel and their families are going to established in the North simply reinforces that fear. Soldiers do not remain permanently in any station. To provide them with land, housing and facilities for cultivation in the Vanni, as reportedly being proposed, is therefore inexplicable in purely military terms.

What adds further fuel to feelings of distrust is the setting up Buddhist shrines all over the North. The JHU is discovering new archaeological sites of Sinhala Buddhist presence in the North and East. Several years ago, archaeologists had found ancient Buddhist ruins in Kandarodai and elsewhere in the North. These dated back to the period between the 3rd and 6th centuries when Buddhism flourished in South India, from where missionaries were sent to various countries. Buddhist scholars in South India at that time included monks like Buddhagosha, Buddhadatta and Dhammapala, the last-named a Tamil scholar as well. Many of the rulers were patrons of Buddhism and undoubtedly Theravada Buddhism was a prominent religion among the elite of Jaffna at that time. But archaeological research must be left to trained archaeologists devoted to scholarship with no particular agenda. It appears that, n addition to the springing up of Buddhist shrines under every Bo tree in the North, the site of Sanghamitta’s landing in Sri Lanka has been "discovered" in a place near Mathagal; the area has been cordoned off and a monument erected to commemorate the historic visit of this Buddhist missionary. If these were the result of research by scholars, they would have been perfectly acceptable. But the manner in which these new sites are being discovered at this time and the erection by the military of plaques identifying these sites creates doubt and distrust. It is hardly the way forward to establish peace and reconciliation in the country.

Extremist elements, both among the Tamil and Sinhala people, have repeatedly taken this country to ethnic conflict. Our people and our political leadership must break free from being captives to these extremists. We can save ourselves from international isolationism and economic and social ruin only if the religious, civil society and political leadership is prepared to take bold decisions to break free and follow a path of reconciliation with and tolerance of the ‘other’. The ‘us and them’ mind-set must be rooted out.

Soli Sorabjee was a former Attorney General of India. In an article included in the Civil Rights Movement’s excellent series of booklets on the Value of Dissent, he writes: "Tolerance is the basis of a democratic and pluralist society. The recent resurgence of various forms of intolerance and fanaticism in India poses a serious threat to democracy in our country….Our Supreme Court regards freedom if expression as ‘the most cherished and valued freedom in a democracy’…. Deep regard for tolerance impelled the Supreme Court to strike down the expulsion from school of three students belonging to the Jehovah’s Witness faith who refused to sing the national anthem though they respectfully stood up in attention when it was sung. Justice Chinnappa Reddy speaking for the Court declared: "Our tradition teaches tolerance; our philosophy preaches tolerance; our Constitution practices tolerance; let us not dilute it."

Following some ant-Muslim rioting in India, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru addressed the Nation in the following terms: "India is a country of many communities and unless we can live in harmony with each other, respecting each other’s beliefs and habits, we cannot build up a great and united nation…. I earnestly trust our efforts will be directed towards creating communal harmony and that all our people and especially our newspapers will appreciate the grave dangers that are caused by communal conflict and disharmony…Thus only can we serve our motherland and help in making her great, united and strong."

5:45:00 AM | Posted in | Read More »

Naval Exercises & Counter Exercises

by B. Raman

(July 31, Chennai, Sri Lanka Guardian)
Coinciding with the US-South Korea joint naval exercise from July 24 to 27,2010, in the Sea of Japan, a large-scale naval exercise was held by the Chinese Navy in the South China Sea. Wide publicity was given to it by the China Central Television (CCTV). The Chief of General Staff of the People's Liberation Army Chen Bingde, the navy commander and other senior commanders of the People's Liberation Army oversaw the exercise. The North China, East China and South China Sea Fleets participated in the exercise. While the CCTV telecast pictures of the exercise, it did not say where exactly in the South China Sea it was held.

2.The TV said in its accompanying commentary: "Chen Bingde stressed that (the military) should pay close attention to changes in the situation and tasks, and get well prepared for military conflicts." According to the CCTV commentary, the exercise consisted of six parts two of which were long-range precision strikes and defence against jet fighters and missiles. The CCTV telecast on July 27 footage of the Nanjing Military Command testing a new long-range artillery rocket on land toward the Yellow Sea. It said it was the first time China had carried out such a large-scale long-range artillery rocket drill. Liu Mingjin, chief of staff of the artillery division, told the CCTV that the drill was intended to test the troop's long-range striking precision.

3. According to the CCTV, the exercise took place under an electromagnetic environment meant to simulate realistic combat conditions. It added: "It is one of the drills in China's naval history that involved comprehensive cooperation and included the launch of many missiles." It added that the exercise was just one of a series of exercises the PLA undertook before and during the US-South Korea exercise in the Sea of Japan.

4.The "China Daily" quoted Mr.Li Jie, a researcher with the Chinese navy's military academy, as saying that Beijing has shown it has the determination to protect its territory not only through diplomatic actions but also by demonstrating its military strength. He said: "If the bottom line were to be crossed, then China would firmly react. The actions further stress that the South China Sea is one of China's core interests. The fact that the chief personally watched the performances implies that the region is seen as highly important, and the drills are considered vital."

5.Mr.Li further said that the South China Sea issue has become more complicated due to the the involvement of the US and Japan and that the drill, taking place under an electromagnetic environment, had likely taken into consideration the advanced communication-jamming technologies of the US.

6.In a despatch of July 29, the Xinhua reported that that simultaneously with the naval exercise of the PLA-Navy,an army unit based at an inland province in the Jinan Military Command ferried combat forces and arms to "a coastal city" in the Shandong province on July 27. Mr.Li Qinggong, deputy secretary-general of the China Council for National Security Policy Studies, has said he did not believe the Chinese exercises were directed at the US-ROK drill, because such preparations take a long time and the timing may be a coincidence

7. Code-named "Invincible Spirit," the four-day joint US-South Korea naval and air exercises involved 20 ships, including the nuclear-powered aircraft carrier USS George Washington of the US Navy, submarines, 200 aircraft and 8,000 troops from the two nations. According to the Xinhua, the exercise included anti-submarine drills, naval live-fire exercises, aerial training and computer-based simulation exercises. It quoted the South Korean media as saying that it was the first in a series of similar joint exercises to be conducted in coming months, part of military "countermeasures" against North Korea. Apart from the routine annual exercises , which will take place between August 16 and 26, the two countries will also stage joint military drills in waters off the west coast of the Korean Peninsula in September, and will conduct similar drills every month till the end of this year, as a warning to North Korea.

8.The ships participating in “Invincible Spirit” kept out of the Yellow Sea in response to Chinese sensitivities, but the South Korean media has indicated that the September exercise would cover the Yellow Sea too in order to underline that the US and South Korea do not accept the Chinese contention that the Yellow Sea is China’s psychological territorial waters from which they should keep out. The Chinese claim that many past invasions of China took place via the Yellow Sea and that, because of this, the appearance of any foreign naval ship, particularly an aircraft-carrier, in the Yellow Sea could create psychological fears in the minds of the population of Beijing. Seoul's Yonhap News Agency quoted a high-level ROK military officer as saying on July 29 that the US and South Korea will "hold a joint military exercise once every month until the end of the year".

9.Simultanously, Mr.Hu Zhengyue, a Chinese Assistant Foreign Minister, is on a visit to North Korea amid speculation that North Korea is pressing China to agree to a joint China-North Korea naval exercise. However, a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson has described the visit as "a normal exchange between the two foreign ministries."

10. Amid the concerns over the US determination to counter Chinese maritime assertiveness, the debate on the need for the Chinese Navy to have one or more aircraft carriers has been revived. In an editorial, the "Global Times" published by the People's daily group said on July 30,2010: "The recent war of words surrounding the deployment of the US aircraft carrier George Washington close to China's waters has once again sparked debate on the symbolic and practical significance of the large naval vessel. How would an aircraft carrier change the dynamics of China's rise and how would it affect the regional geopolitical landscape? The outcome depends on China's overall aircraft carrier strategy. An aircraft carrier is a crucial element of a modern naval force. Currently there are 22 aircraft carriers in active service in nine countries. China is the only UN Security Council permanent member that does not have an aircraft carrier. The public strongly desires an aircraft carrier because of the prestige associated with one, the power it projects to the rest of the world and the sense of defensive security it provides. There is a lot of speculation about China's aircraft carrier plan. Given a carrier's incredible size, it could be wrongly perceived as Chinese military assertiveness, and may create unnecessary tension. In the South China Sea, for example, where tensions occasionally spill over, an aircraft carrier might help China achieve victory in small-scale clashes in disputed waters. However, the win might turn a relatively small dispute into long running hostility that destabilizes bilateral relationships. But on the high seas, an aircraft carrier could be an effective tool to maintain order, and it could win China respect from neighboring countries. The number of the aircraft carriers China hopes to posses should also be well pondered. Too small a fleet and it may be ineffective, but an oversized fleet will eat up too much of the defense budget. The best deployment of an aircraft carrier would be for effective deterrence and to strengthen China's military power. A carrier could also provide a platform to launch industrial and technological upgrades. Domestically there is also opposition against building or acquiring aircraft carriers given the enormous cost and maintenance difficulties. The Chinese Government has kept tacit (silent) over its aircraft carrier strategy, though many signs suggest that they (aircraft carriers)are elements that would make the Chinese navy complete. A sound aircraft carrier strategy should be put in place to optimize its future functions."

( The writer is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai, and Associate of the Chennai Centre For China Studies. E-mail: seventyone2@gmail.com )

5:36:00 AM | Posted in , , | Read More »

A mother burns the mouths of two little children who were crying for food

by Basil Fernando

(July 30, Hong Kong, Sri Lanka Guardian) A mother burned the mouths of two children who were crying for food. The two children were girls, one and half and five years old. The mother has been arrested and is presently in remand custody. The incident took place on the 28th July at Awissawela.

A few months ago a mother threw one of her children into Kalu Ganga as she was no position to feed her children. At the same time another mother handed over her children to a court to get them into intuitional care, as she too was in no position to feed them.

This tragedy should be an eye opener for everyone. It is easy to blame this woman and even to call her a psychopath. That kind of name calling is the easy way that we often use to trick ourselves.

A mother being unable to deal with the demands for food of her very young children is one of the most difficult human situations. Motherhood is associated with idea of the giving of food and love. A mother feeds her children with her own milk.

There can be hardly any human suffering greater than that of a mother who is unable to deal with the hunger of her children.

That is the problem that we are confronted with in the situations associated with these incidents.

If society had not become so insensitive these mothers might even beg their neighbors to come to the assistance of their children. It is only when the feeling of helplessness is most desperate that the mothers resort to this kind of violence.

It is a very primitive type of ruthlessness that is embedded in our economic and political system that has created this situation. A ruthless society can make even mothers go insane.

3:24:00 PM | Posted in | Read More »

Why National Reconciliation is Not Possible In Sri Lanka

" Sri Lanka is a pathetically polarized country. The problems are Sinhala majoritarianism, Sinhala-Buddhist ethnoreligious chauvinism, and after the end of the war, Sinhala triumphalism with no consideration of the (Tamil) civilian cost of achieving this ‘victory’. This is not going to change, indeed there is every indication that it will get worse, despite international concerns."

by Brian Senewiratne

(July 30, Canberra, Sri Lanka Guardian) There is much talk of “National Reconciliation” in Sri Lanka – essentially between the Sinhalese-dominated Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) and the Tamil people. As a Sinhalese who has supported the struggle of the Tamil people to live with equality, dignity and without discrimination, and now, to live at all, in the country of their birth, I simply do not think that ‘national reconciliation’ is possible.

I have been closely involved with the problems faced by the Tamil people since 1948. This was when a million Plantation ‘Indian’ Tamils, (one seventh of the total population of Ceylon at that time), were disenfranchised and decitizenised in one of the most outrageous acts of political barbarism anywhere in the world. It was followed by a series of highly discriminatory measures adopted since 1956 by a succession of Sinhalese governments against the indigenous Sri Lankan Tamils. These included numerous Government organized pogroms of the Tamils. Having been a witness to all these and other major human rights violations of the Tamil people, I am convinced that ‘national reconciliation’ is totally unrealistic.

The most serious recent slaughter of Tamils (June 2006 – May 2009), with features of Genocide [1], and done under the guise of “wiping out ‘Tamil terrorism’”, has made national reconciliation impossible.

The necessary conditions

For national reconciliation to occur there are some fundamental requirements.

1. There must be a genuine intention to do so.

2. There must be regret for all that has happened to make national reconciliation necessary.

3. The fundamental problems that caused the rift must be addressed.

4. There must be a determination to wipe out all the obstructions to this process.

Since none of these are present in Sri Lanka, national reconciliation is not possible. It is as simple as that.

The pretence of ‘national reconciliation’ is nothing but a myth propagated by the GoSL with the sole intention of obtaining international support to keep a totalitarian regime going.

Before these fundamental requirements are discussed in detail, three crucial points must be appreciated.

1. There has been a complete dismantling of Democracy.

2. There is a clearly stated aim to make Sri Lanka into a Sinhala-Buddhist nation.

3. There is an international dimension with foreign governments getting involved for their own geopolitical and economic gains.

A dismantling of Democracy

The “Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka”, as it likes to call itself, is neither democratic nor socialist. It is a ruthless fascist dictatorship which has created a ‘Crisis in Democracy’. In addition, there is a ‘Crisis in Capitalism’ in Sri Lanka.

It is arguable whether Democracy ever existed in Sri Lanka (Ceylon, or Lanka). What existed in pre-colonial Ceylon (before 1505) was Feudalism. This was replaced by Colonialism, which was replaced by Sinhalese Majoritarianism, and then a Presidential Dictatorship. This drifted into Politico-Military Fascism, and now, Totalitarianism under one family – essentially a return to Feudalism - under ‘President’ Mahinda Rajapaksa, his brothers, relatives and stooges.

Whatever vestige of Democracy that existed was constitutionally dismantled in 1978 by the then President, J.R.Jayawardene who established an Executive Presidency - with sweeping powers, above the Law and Parliament, and not answerable to Parliament or even the people.

This drifted (in 2005) into a politico-military fascist state, run by ‘President’ Rajapaksa, his brothers and the military. In 2010, it has now become a Rajapaksa Autocracy.

Mahinda Rajapaksa is (erroneously) referred to as the ‘President’. He has gone well beyond this. He is a ‘King’, appointed by himself and his brothers. When the ruler is a king, there are no citizens; only subjects. Subjects are bound to obey the king unquestionably since monarchial infallibility was a belief that premised absolute monarchies.

The clear intention of this megalomaniac family is to rule Sri Lanka for decades. This will be achieved by manipulating the Constitution, by eliminating any opposition, silencing criticism, and unleashing whatever State violence is necessary on the populace, irrespective of ethnicity.

Making Sri Lanka into a Sinhala-Buddhist country

Sri Lanka is a multiethnic, multicultural, multireligious, multilingual country, and it on the understanding that that it remained so, that in 1948 Britain granted Independence to what was then colonial Ceylon. The country was handed over to Sinhalese politicians from the majority community on the assurance given by them that the minorities will be treated fairly without discrimination. The only Constitutional safeguard that protected the Tamils and other minorities from discrimination was Section 29(2). This critically important clause was dropped in the 1972 Constitution. Sinhala was made the Official Language and Buddhism given “pride of place”, which clearly discriminated against 30% of the population who were non-Sinhalese and non-Buddhists.

In a famous case Bribery Commissioner v Ranasinghe which was taken to the (British) Privy Council in 1964, (which I will not detail here), the Privy Council declared that Section 29(2), (a),(b),(c) and (d), which prohibited the making of any law discriminatory against any community or religion was an unalterable and entrenched provision in the Constitution i.e. it could not be altered. Dropping Section 29(2) was therefore unconstitutional and hence illegal.

The name of the country was changed (illegally – because the ‘Constitution’ itself was illegal), from “Ceylon” to the “Democratic Republic of Sri Lanka”. It was anything but ‘Democratic’. “Sri”, the Sanskrit for “Resplendent”, it certainly was not.

Amidst protests at obvious discrimination in the Official Language, the 6th Amendment to the Constitution was passed making Sinhala and Tamil the Official Languages of Sri Lanka. In reality, this is a farce. Sinhala remains the only Official language of Sri Lanka – whatever is stated in the Constitution or its Amendments.

Examples are just too numerous to recount. A couple will suffice. In a recent Court case in Colombo where some Tamils were tried, the entire proceedings were conducted in Sinhala, a language which none of the accused understood.

A Tamil friend of mine in Colombo was recently the attesting witness at a wedding where the bride and bridegroom were also Tamils. The official document to be signed and attested was in Sinhala. When my friend pointed out that the bride, the groom and the attesting witness could not understand what they were signing, he was told that the document was ‘not available’ in Tamil. So much for the 6th Amendment.

The Constitution is viewed by Sri Lankan politicians as a useful exhibit to be shown to the outside world as something that makes Sri Lanka a ‘Democracy’. In reality it is a play-thing for majoritarian politicians to ignore, bend, or break at will, to suit the political or ethnoreligious chauvinism of those in power. Tamils politicians not being ‘majoritarian politicians’, have no say. They can take it or leave it, the Government (which has been, is, and will for ever be, Sinhalese), could not care less.

Constitutions can only achieve so much. They can specify a system of checks and balances, and what Governments can and cannot do. Constitutions cannot do these things. That is left to the decency, integrity, sincerity and commitment of those who wield power. If those who wield power are tyrants, tyranny will be the result, Constitution or no Constitution.

The most compelling evidence that Sri Lanka is a Sinhala-Buddhist nation came from Sarath Fonseka, then the Army Commander. In an interview to the National Post newspaper in Canada on 23rd September 2008, he said:-

“I strongly believe that this country belongs to the Sinhalese but there are minority communities …We being the majority of the country, 75%, we will never give in and we have the right to protect this country… They (the minorities) can live in this country with us. But they must not try to, under the pretext of being a minority, demand undue things.”

If the country “belongs to the Sinhalese”, to talk of ‘national reconciliation’ is a joke. Incidentally, the Tamils do not need to be a minority as a “pretext”. They are a minority.

When Fonseka was running for the Presidency, and trying to woo Tamil votes in the Tamil areas (North and East), he was asked about this interview. He said he had been “misunderstood”. There was no misunderstanding. It was in straightforward English.

It can be argued that this was Fonseka speaking, and not President Rajapaksa. However, Fonseka was Rajapaksa's military commander. If Rajapaksa did not agree with this he should have ordered his army commander to withdraw the statement.

Moreover, Fonseka’s immediate boss was Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the Defence Secretary and the President’s brother, and above him, the President himself, who is also the Minister of Defence and the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. Neither can now try to distance themselves from the statements clearly and emphatically made by Fonseka.

The only conclusion that can be drawn is that all of them agreed with what was said i.e. that Sri Lanka ‘belongs’ to the Sinhalese. If this is the belief of those who run the country, to talk of ‘national reconciliation’ is nonsense.

Much has been made of the fact that the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) have been destroyed. The LTTE was not the problem but the result of the problem. The ‘problem’ was Sinhala-Buddhist ethno-religious chauvinism – to make multiethnic, multireligious, multilingual, multicultural Sri Lanka, into a Sinhala-Buddhist nation.

What has been destroyed is not only the LTTE but the possibility of Peace with Justice. Some 40,000 Tamils in the North and East were slaughtered by the Sri Lankan (Sinhalese) Armed Forces, international aid groups and observers having first been expelled from the area (“genocide without witnesses”). 280,000 Tamils who escaped the slaughter were locked up in concentration camps, in absolute contravention of several Human Rights Conventions, signed by Sri Lanka.

Under immense international pressure, some 200,000 were released, most of them to a land that was totally destroyed and heavily mined, making them internally Displaced People (IDPs ie refugees). 60,000 remain in the camps in June 2010, more than an year after they were put there. Thousands have been driven out of the country as asylum-seekers. So much for ‘national reconciliation’.

If Sri Lanka is a Sinhala-Buddhist country (which it is – whatever the rhetoric), I cannot see how there can be ‘national reconciliation’, given the fact that some 30% of the people are not Sinhala-Buddhists. To talk of ‘national reconciliation’ in this setting is patently absurd.

International games

It is not possible to make sense of the mess in Sri Lanka and the absolute impossibility of “Peace and Reconciliation” or of “Peace with Justice” without an appreciation of the international games being played to keep a corrupt, incompetent, and ruthless regime in power.

Just as oil is the problem in the Middle East, the geographical position astride the Indian Ocean is the ‘problem’ in Sri Lanka. Just 36 km (20 miles) from India, it is in India’s backyard. The Indian Ocean is not the largest ocean in the world but by far the busiest. 40% of the world’s oil production occurs in countries which share India’s Ocean. It carries 70% of the world’s oil shipments and 50% of the container cargo. US Admiral Alfred Mahan said a hundred years ago, “Whoever controls the Indian Ocean, dominates Asia”

Trincomalee, in the Tamil North East, is the world’s 4h largest natural harbour, and has attracted foreign powers for centuries. It continues to do so.

Sri Lanka is one of China’s “String of Pearls”, the chain of military bases to guard its oil supply from the Middle East and its exports to Europe. Rather than fight (India) to get a foothold in Trincomalee, China chose a small fishing port in Hambantota (in Mahinda Rajapaksa’s home area) in the deep South, to set up a major harbour (for China’s use) and an international airport.

A delighted Rajapaksa used this as a bargaining chip to build his massive military machine to crush the Tamils. The violation of human rights has never been a problem for China which supplied all the military hardware requested by the ruthless Sinhala military.

America concerned with China’s involvement, tried to woo Rajapaksa back to the western camp. The IMF [2] is not just in America, it is America. Sri Lanka is a peripheral but integral part of the global capitalist network, which now includes even supposedly ‘Communist’ China. This is why members of the US Foreign Policy Relations Committee warned that Washington could not ‘lose’ Sri Lanka, which is strategically located in the Indian Ocean.

India, concerned with Chinese and American involvement in its backyard, got into the act. Its agenda is, and has been, to make Sri Lanka into a colony of the Indian empire, keep China and the US out, and exploit the considerable resources in the country – as all colonial powers do. What happens to the Tamils in Sri Lanka is of little concern except to South Indians in Tamil Nadu with some 75 million ethnic Tamils. However, India is not run from Tamil Nadu. It is run by big business in Delhi in close collaboration with international capitalists. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is just a figurehead – a ‘pretence leader’. That is why he told a visiting delegation of Tamil MPs from Sri Lanka who took their concern to him on July 8, 2010, that they should “continue to hold talks with the Lankan government in a constructive way. ”! If the expatriate Sri Lankan Tamil community is looking to India for help in getting justice for the Tamil people, they are not in the real world.

It is this international meddling in Sri Lanka that makes the outlook for the Tamils so poor, and ‘national reconciliation’ so impossible. I firmly believe that without this international meddling, the IMF included, left to the Sri Lankans, there might well have been a negotiated settlement and national reconciliation. The fact that this international powerplay and meddling will go on, and support for a brutal murderous chauvinistic regime in Colombo will continue, makes any hope of a ‘Just Peace’ or ‘National Reconciliation’ most unlikely.

It is now possible to set out in detail the essential requirements I listed for ‘national reconciliation’ to be possible.

1. There must be a genuine intention to do so.

Across the entire political spectrum, be it the Governing party or the Opposition, there is not the slightest intention, let alone a genuine intention, to include the Tamil people. In November 2005 I published an article, The Political Ideology in Sri Lanka: Anti-Tamil [3] , in which I pointed out that the entire Sinhala polity was anti-Tamil. It is far more politically rewarding to marginalize, exclude, and discriminate against the Tamils than to adopt an inclusive policy. There are simply too many votes to be lost if an inclusive policy is adopted. To embrace Sinhala-Buddhist ethnoreligious chauvinism is the vote-getter, in a country where 74% are Sinhalese and 70% are Buddhist. This has been the policy, admitted to or denied, by every Sinhalese government since 1956. This is not about to change.

The only, and I stress only, exception is the genuine Left, which I have detailed below. However, the negligible support they got at the 2010 Presidential and General Elections is clear evidence that ethnic tolerance – to be fair to the Tamils – has no place in Sri Lanka.

Sri Lanka is a virulently polarized country – “we the Sinhalese, they the Tamils”. The Tamils are ‘the enemy’, even worse, ‘Tamils are ‘terrorists’ or people bent on dividing and destroying Sri Lanka. If this is the Sinhala mind-set, to talk of ‘national reconciliation’ is nonsense.

I will cite two examples. In April 1986, Lalith Athulathmudali, the Minister of National Security, in President J.R.Jayawardene’s government, addressing new (Sinhalese) recruits to the National Auxiliary Force said:-

“By joining the Security Forces to defend the nation in its biggest crisis in history, each one of you have secured a place in your country’s history, like your forefathers, who have shed their blood on this very soil, fighting against the foreign invaders”.

If the Minister for National Security sees the Tamils as ‘foreign invaders’, we should not have any illusions about a negotiated settlement coming from this group of politicians in Colombo. President Jayawardene’s statements were similar. In an interview with the Canadian Globe and Mail, when presented with Canada as a model of devolution of power, he said:-

“It is easy for Canada to settle its problems because all your people are Canadians”

If the President of Sri Lanka does not see the Tamils as Sri Lankans, what chance is there of a negotiated settlement or reconciliation with the Tamils? That was in 1986. The situation now is worse, much worse.

Anyone who is even vaguely familiar with the Sri Lankan scene, can recognize these statements as the authentic voice of Sinhala chauvinism which is the single factor that has prevented any meaningful offer being made to the Tamils. Statements such as this are evidence of a very strong current of ethnic chauvinism which is destroying Sri Lanka. In such a context, we cannot have any illusions of a negotiated settlement which makes a genuine accommodation of Tamil problems, or ‘reconciliation’ with the Tamils, taking place in the next year, ten years or fifty years.

This was back in the mid 1980s. Today the situation is far worse, the Sinhala rhetoric not withstanding. The evidence is presented below.

2. There must be genuine regret for what has happened

It has been erroneously claimed that there has been an ‘ethnic conflict’ in Sri Lanka. There has been no ‘ethnic conflict’. What there has been for five decades, are a series of increasingly virulent pogroms against the Tamil people by a succession of Sinhalese-dominated government, assisted by Sinhalese political opportunists and ethno-religious chauvinists, and conducted by the Sinhalese Armed Forces (99% Sinhalese), with a degeneracy of Sinhala society and its rapid descent to barbarism. These anti-Tamil pogroms have been to crush the Tamil people into submission – to accept Sri Lanka as a Sinhala-Buddhist nation.

I have maintained that unless/until the Sinhalese apologise to the Tamils for what has been done to them, there can neither be peace nor ‘normalcy, and certainly no ‘reconciliation’.

Bishop Lakshman Wickremasinghe, a Sinhalese like me and with the same view, put this better than I can. In his final Pastoral Letter (15 November 1983), deeply disturbed by the 1983 massacre of Tamils he wrote:-

“Shame and apology

The massive retaliation mainly by Sinhalese against defenceless Tamils in July 1983 cannot be justified on moral grounds. We must admit this and acknowledge our shame. We must be ashamed because what took place was a moral crime. We are ashamed as Sinhalese for the moral crime which other Sinhalese committed. We must not only acknowledge our shame, we must also make our apology to those Tamils who were unjustified victims of this massive retaliation.”

He goes on to state why this should be done.

“…when a section of the Sinhalese does what is morally wrong or bad, we share in it. As members of the whole group we share in the evil they have done….it is a mark of moral maturity to acknowledge a moral crime on behalf of those closely knit to us (he was a kinsman of President Jayawardene whose thugs committed this crime, as I am a kinsman of President Chandrika Kumaratunga who bombed Jaffna with half a million Tamils) who do not realize that they have done this and an apology on their behalf…..

It is only by an apology of this kind that we shall recover our proper moral and religious values. Then we can begin the process of what went wrong with our relationship with the Tamils…. The true basis of reconciliation is admission of wrong and an appeal for forgiveness”

That was written after the murder of some 3,000 Tamils just before his untimely death. I am not sure what he would have written today after the murder of some 40,000 Tamils.

Archbishop Desmond Tutu whom I met in Cape Town two years ago, should know all about reconciliation. He chaired the “Truth and Reconciliation Commission” in post-apartheid South Africa, at a time when there was an absolute need for reconciliation. He will testify that it is mandatory to have an open, honest and transparent process to deal with the past if there is to be national reconciliation. Not to have such a process is to throw away any possibility of moving forward. Unfortunately, the Sinhalese people, much less their politicians, are unable or unwilling to appreciate this. As such, the window of opportunity will close, if it has not done so already.

I, a Sinhalese, did not slit any Tamil throats, but I have a sense of collective responsibility for the insensitive and barbaric behaviour of my people – the Sinhalese, in military uniform and not in uniform.

That is why I protested when my Tamil people in Colombo were slaughtered in July 1983 and wrote an apology “The 1983 Holocaust of Tamils: Unanswered questions”, holding President Jayawardene’s government responsible. That is why, as a 16 year old kid, I protested in my school when my Plantation Tamil people were made non-citizens – my people who, by their sweat and toil put Sri Lanka on the map and continue to do so. That is why in 1972, when they were thrown out of their miserable ‘coolie lines’ by the thugs of my aunt, the Prime Minister, and were dying on the streets of Kandy, I took them into my ward so that they could die with dignity and love.

That is why when 400 of my Tamil children in the Sencholai orphanage were bombed I protested. That is why I have recorded and distributed a dozen dvds and given hundreds of talks to draw the world’s attention to the dreadful things that are being done to my Tamil people in the North and East. When someone asked me whether I knew any in the concentration camps, I said I knew them all since they were my people.

That is why when my Sinhalese people in the Colombo slums are having their shanties bulldozed, protest I must and will.

If to be critical of what is going on in Sri Lanka, makes me a traitor, so be it. I will not let my patriotism to Sri Lanka to be defined by how close I stand to the Sri Lankan flag, stained with the blood and tears of hundreds of thousands of Tamils, Sinhalese and Muslims - all of them my people. If I cannot be with them in their hour of need, I want them to know that my heart goes out to them and I weep with them. That is where I stand, and will continue to do so. Whether I ‘succeed’ or not is irrelevant. What matters to me is not what you achieve but where you stand and why.

The same holds for my adopted home – Australia. If Australia’s handling of asylum seekers from Sri Lanka or Afghanistan or wherever, is outrageous (as it is), protest I must, and will.

At one of the anniversaries of the 1983 Tamil massacre in Colombo, Kumaratunga, then the President was asked about an apology to the Tamils. She said, “We should all apologise to each other”. I could not figure this out. Why should the Tamils apologise to the Sinhalese – for what? For the crime they have committed being born Tamil so that the Sinhalese could murder them?

As for the Rajapaksa regime that followed Kumaratunga’s ‘bogus apology’, let alone an apology, there was obscene rejoicing at the dreadful mass slaughter of people whose only crime was that they were born Tamil, and had a right to be were they were, the North and East of the island. The Rajapaksa regime demanded that the people in the South, Sinhalese, and even Tamils and Muslims, celebrate with them or be labeled ‘terrorists’ and be treated as such.

If this was not bad enough, the attitude and stance of President Rajapaksa a year later was worse. The first anniversary of the slaughter was declared a public holiday and the ‘national victory’ celebrated with greater fanfare than the day the country got its Independence from Britain. The triumphalistic tone and tenor of Rajapaksa's speech made no allowance for the collective human and material losses of the Tamil people, their present abysmal existence and their future uncertainties and fears.

Rajapaksa presided over the celebrations. His speech was a combination of militarist triumphalism, a whitewash of his government’s war crimes, and a call to working people to “sacrifice” to build the nation. On show on Galle Face Green (opposite the old Parliament) was a huge array of artillery, tanks and multi-barrel rocket launchers; helicopter gunships and war planes flew overhead; warships were roaming off the coast. The invitees were foreign diplomats, MPs, Ministers and government officials.

Ordinary people facing deepening attacks on living standards and democratic rights, showed little interest. Nor were they impressed with Rajapaksa's demand from working people, already groaning with an astronomical cost of living, for a “sacrifice to build the nation”. Public servants were specifically targeted. Here is what he said:-

“More than 200,000 in our armed forces have given Sri Lanka a victory through their commitment through day and night in good weather and bad. If our public servants make a commitment for four years similar to that by our heroic forces, we will make this country the Wonder of Asia.

Far from being a new Asian wonder, the country is heavily in debt, with more problems to follow. I will deal with the escalating economic problems later in this article, since it has the potential to do just the opposite of ‘reconciliation’.

Getting into ‘comedy mode’, Rajapaksa absurdly declared:-

“Our armed forces comprise those who went to battle carrying a gun in one hand, the Declaration of Human Rights in the other, as well as taking food for the liberated people in the North and East and full of human kindness in their hearts. Our guns were not fired at a single civilian”.

Referring to the final months of the war, when the military mercilessly bombed a small pocket of land in which there were more than 300,000 Tamil civilians crammed, Rajapaksa said that it was “a great humanitarian operation only to eliminate terrorism”

As for his claim that not a single civilian was shot, the International Crisis Group had a different view. In a report published in May 2010, it stated that between 30,000 and 75,000 civilians had been killed, and accused the Sri Lankan military of deliberately targeting hospitals and aid supplies. I have recorded all this (and more) on a dvd which I will be glad to send disbelievers.

Gordon Weiss, an Australian, has been in the UN for 14 years, and was the UN Spokesman in Sri Lanka. In early 2010, he resigned and returned to Australia. Interviewed by the Australian Broadcasting Corporation on 9 February 2010 [4] he said,

“The Sri Lankan government said may things which were either intentionally misleading or were lies”.

The important point is that the GoSL has absolutely no regret at what its Armed Forces did to the Tamils. Indeed, it boats about it. As such, I cannot see how there can be ‘national reconciliation’.

A bogus Commission

Under international pressure, the GoSL announced a “Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission”. Like all previous human rights investigations, it is certain to be a whitewash. Rajapaksa has bitterly opposed any international inquiry, no matter how limited, despite a call from the UN Secretary General, and the Head of the UN Human Rights Council.

With the White House welcoming this phony inquiry, two senior Obama officials - Samantha Power, Special Assistant to the President on Multilateral Affairs and Human Rights, and David Pressman, National Security Council Director for War Crimes and Atrocities, visited Colombo. It was mainly to advise Rajapaksa how to make this phony Commission appear more credible, and more importantly, to cement closer ties between Washington and Colombo, and sideline rival China, which provided substantial financial and military support for Rajapaksa's genocidal war.

One thing is certain; there is absolutely no regret in the Sinhala South at what has been done to the Tamil people. The question is even being asked, “why was this not done earlier?”.

Worryingly, other tyrannical regimes are using Sri Lanka as a role model to settle political problems by unleashing State terrorism, the mass slaughter of civilians being just an ‘unavoidable feature’.

The United States should know all about this. Madeline Albright, then the US Ambassador to the UN, when asked by Leslie Stahl [5] , "We have heard that half a million children have died [as a result of sanctions]. I mean, that's more children than died in Hiroshima. And, you know, is the price worth it?" Albright replied: "I think this is a very hard choice, but the price — we think the price is worth it."

Albright did not lose her job – indeed the opposite. She went on to Co-Chair the "Genocide Prevention Task Force" created by the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, the American Academy of Diplomacy, and the United States Institute for Peace! God forbid.

3. The fundamental problems must be addressed

There is absolutely no evidence that the fundamental problems that resulted in the conflict are being addressed or will be. Indeed there is a lot of evidence to the contrary i.e. very definite steps are being taken to increase the problem and create new and irreversible ones.

The initial problems are too well known to need expansion. A brief mention will suffice.

1. Discrimination against the Tamils in the status of their language (Tamil).

It has been claimed that the 1956 Sinhala Only Act (which clearly discriminated against the Tamils) has been reversed and that Sinhala and Tamil are the Official Languages of the country.

As I have gone into earlier, in practical terms, this is simply untrue. Whatever the legislation, official government business, for one, is in Sinhala. That is not an opinion, but a fact.

2. Discrimination in education is still very much there.

In 1972, the bar was set higher for Tamil students to enter the University – clear anti-Tamil discrimination. This might not be so now, but the damage done to education in the Tamil areas is worse.

For a start, the entire educational structure in the Tamil North and East has been destroyed by bombing schools, preventing children from going to school and a range of other measures. To claim that this is being corrected is not true. That is why as many Tamil parents who can afford to leave the country are taking their children abroad for their education. The vast majority who cannot afford to do so, can do nothing to give their children a proper education in the Tamil areas.

Major educational institutes which the Tamils have built up over decades, have not only been damaged, but have been partly occupied by the Armed Forces. The Sinhalese government knows full well that for the Tamils, education is the top priority in life. As such, if there was a genuine intention at national reconciliation, to restore the shattered education system in the Tamil areas, the Jaffna Peninsula, in particular, should have been the top priority. Let alone a priority, there is no evidence that there is even an intention to do so. Nor will it be, given the long held paranoia among the Sinhalese that the Tamil educational system was ‘too good’ and was the result of favored treatment given to the Tamils by the colonial British – however false this is.

In short, no meaningful steps are being taken to repair the extensive damage that has been done and restore what is so precious to the Tamils.

A recent absurdity was that with much fanfare, Rajapaksa announced a project to build a swimming pool in Jaffna Central College. He handed over the project to his son, Namal, a student, who had no idea of what he was doing. The result is that instead of a swimming pool, the students have been left with a huge mosquito breeding hole.

It is a warning to all people (Tamils, Sinhalese and Muslims) what to expect from the Rajapaksa dynasty.

3. Discrimination in job opportunities and employment in the government sector.

Employment in the government sector has been the forte of the Tamils for decades. They have been denied this for years. Merely claiming that this is not so now is not good enough. There has to be evidence, which is simply not there because it does not exist.

99% of the Armed Forces and 95% of the Police are Sinhalese. Has that changed a year after the end of the conflict? No it has not. Tamils are not being appointed to the Police force even in the Tamil areas.

Rehabilitation and re-settlement of the Tamil people in the North and East

The GoSL claims that rehabilitation and resettlement of the Tamils in the North and East are proceeding apace. There is overwhelming evidence from several sources, including from Sinhalese who have visited the area, that this is a downright lie.

The International Crisis Group (ICG)[6] put this bluntly:- “the resettlement process has failed to meet international standards for safe and dignified returns. There has been little or no consultation with the displaced and no independent monitoring; many returns have been to areas not cleared of mines and unexploded ordnance; inadequate financial resources have been provided for those returning home; and the military continues to control people’s movements.

Sri Lanka has made little progress in reconstructing its battered democratic institutions or establishing conditions for a stable peace. Eight months later, the post-war policies of President Mahinda Rajapaksa have deepened rather than resolved the grievances that generated and sustained LTTE militancy.”

More concerns were expressed by the United States [7] about land seizures by the government:-

“….in the north and east. Significant amounts of land were seized during the war by the military to create security buffer zones around military bases and other high-value targets which the government called HSZ [8]. The declaration of HSZs resulted in a number of displaced persons, particularly in the Jaffna Peninsula, and rendered inactive approximately 40 square kilometers of agricultural lands. While the government discussed reducing the size of these HSZs towards the end of the year, there was no action taken by year's end.

Paramilitary actors were often cited as being responsible for other land seizures. While a legal process exists for private landowners to contest such seizures, in practice it proved very slow, and many victims did not take advantage of it for fear of violent reprisals by those who had seized the property in question.”

In one of the most irresponsible reports ever published by an important international organisation, the UN High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), has recently published an extensive report [9] that the human rights situation in the Tamil areas had improved markedly. The Report, UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines for Assessing the International Protection Needs for Asylum –Seekers from Sri Lanka. 5 July 2010. HRC/EG/SLK/10/03 is an outrageous document that is at variance with several reports from internationally credible human rights organisations across the world e.g. Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch etc all of whom have been denied access to Sri Lanka.

The UNHCR states that the Report was “intended for the use of UNHCR and State adjudicators in the assessment of claims by Sri Lankan asylum-seekers.”

It is a thoroughly irresponsible document which will do immense damage to already brutalised people. It is, in fact, a collection of half-truths, untruths and frank lies based on hearsay not from direct observation by visiting the Tamil areas and collecting reliable data. Almost every claim made can be challenged. This I will do when time permits.

The actual situation on the ground recently published by a group of journalists from the South, almost all of them Sinhalese, The findings of Reporters from the World Socialist Web Site (WSWS) 2 June 2010 [10] who took the trouble and the considerable risks to visit the North stated:-

“One year after the defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), the Sri Lankan government claims that life is returning to normal in the war-ravaged Vanni [11] region. But as our reporting team found during their recent visit to Kilinochchi, that is far from the case. Tens of thousands of civilians who lost everything during the fighting have been “resettled” in the area with little government assistance

Many of the resettled people live in 10-by-10 feet huts with tin sheets provided by some non-government organisations. Other people are living in tents that are the same size. There are no separate rooms for sleeping or getting dressed. The floors have been leveled with mud. As there are no toilet facilities, people are using open spaces. Some families have used tin sheets to make roofs for their damaged houses.

The large Iranaimadu tank (artificial lake) mainly supplied irrigation for several thousand acres of agricultural land. The tank is now under the military’s control. Water has not yet been fully released for farmers. A few farmers have begun cultivation but they do not have tractors or other basic equipment. Many do not have even a mammoty (a type of spade). Fishermen are not allowed to fish in the tank.”

A summary of their findings was that the Sri Lankan government was lying.

This crucially important report is reproduced in full in Appendix 1. What is abundantly clear from this and other reports is that no national reconciliation or reconstruction in the Tamil areas is happening and what the government claims it is doing, is a diabolical lie to avoid international criticism.

Rehabilitation of the Tamil Tigers

The handling of the (former) LTTE cadre, fighters and non-fighters, is one of the most important problems in ‘national reconciliation’. The GoSL is simply too stupid to realize this.

There are two crucial points. First, the parents, relatives and friends of these people are in the Tamil community in the North and East. Any ill-treatment of them will result in serious hostility against the government and make ‘reconciliation’ impossible.

Secondly, these are the people who were prepared to lay down their lives (as thousands did), for a ‘cause’. Whether one accepts this ‘cause’ as legitimate or not, is irrelevant. Their absolute commitment is beyond doubt.

If they are now mistreated (as they are being), it is from this group and their sympathizers that will arise the next group of Tamil militants, even more determined to pursue the ‘cause’.

The GoSL has learnt nothing from the militant Sinhala youth uprising in 1971 – the JVP [12] uprising of rural youths. They had a ‘cause’ – an entirely justifiable reason that they were being disadvantaged because they came from the rural poor. Instead of addressing the underlying problem, the Sinhala State unleashed massive violence on the Sinhala youths, slaughtering some 15,000, many in their teens.

Repression never makes a problem go away. The evidence for this is that in 1988 there was another uprising of the same group of Sinhala youths, which was even more serious than the one in 1971. This was crushed with even greater State violence. An estimate is that some 60,000 were slaughtered.

Despite this, they are back again, now in parliament (and the streets), stirring the pot again. It is more a question of ‘when’ rather than ‘if’ another revolt will take place. The Sinhala poor, facing grinding poverty, are a fertile breeding ground for a disaster waiting to happen.

The same could happen with the Tamil youths. I repeat, suppression and repression never make a problem go away. Those who do not know history (the GoSL), are destined to repeat it.

I will now deal with this critical problem of the way the (former) LTTE are being treated – an abject lesson in stupidity.

Alleged Tamil Tiger (LTTE) ‘terrorists’ in a special camp

The government is currently detaining some 11,000 young Tamils, without trial as “LTTE [13] suspects” at unknown locations. Here are the observations of Human Rights Watch [14] :-

“The government detained more than 10,000 displaced persons at checkpoints and from the camps on suspicion of LTTE involvement, in many cases citing vague and overbroad emergency laws still in force after the end of the war. Many arrests were carried out in violation of domestic and international law. The authorities failed to inform families of their relatives’ fate and whereabouts”.

Some of them are as young as 8 years. When a visiting (Sinhalese) MP asked the army officer why someone as young as that should be in detention, he was told that those were his orders. Sri Lanka has signed the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child!

Slave labour under the guise of “Rehabilitation”

The GoSL has now announced plans to use these detainees as a cheap labour force under a program initiated by the Justice Minister to “rehabilitate” alleged Tamil Tiger cadres. A government-sanctioned newspaper reported on March 13, 2010, that more than 10,000 LTTE suspects will be “settled” in various prison labour camps including in the districts of Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Jaffna. According to the Justice Ministry, the spouses and children of the cadres will be free to move in and out of the camps, but the detainees will be subject to strict security measures to ensure the “smooth functioning of the facilities.”

The government has already announced the establishment of a dairy farm at Suriyawewa near Trincomalee, involving about 500 former “LTTE cadres.” Ceylon Cold Stores, a large company manufacturing beverages and milk products, will invest in the project, but the army will be in charge.

The involvement of the army and air force in these projects points to the further militarisation of all aspects of life in Sri Lanka, including the economy. Far from there being any demobilisation, the country’s huge military - one of the largest per capita in the world - is being kept in place and entrenched as a permanent feature, particularly in the North and East.

The Tamil people are his problem – claims Rajapakse

President Rajapaksa boasts that world does not need to be concerned about the Tamils because they are his problem. However, he did not show this concern when ‘his’ Tamil people were massacred, starved and denied medical help, or when those who survived (some 280,000 Tamil men, women and children) were illegally incarcerated in outrageous concentration camps which he laughably calls “welfare villages”.

The world does need to worry when data from a Demographic and Health Survey by Sri Lanka’s Health Ministry, published in the state-owned Daily News on 29 May 2010, revealed that acute malnutrition is rife among Sri Lanka children and women. Child malnutrition is more than 50% in the North and East, with a national figure at 29% (which itself is staggering). In Batticaloa, Trincomalee and Amparai in the Tamil East, child malnutrition was 53%, 45% and 44%, in Vavuniya and Jaffna in the Tamil North, 51% and 43%.

There are not only media reports but, what is more important, a well documented and thoroughly reliable report (which I have referred to – Appendix 1) from Sinhalese journalists from the South who visited the North and interviewed the ‘liberated’ Tamil people. They confirmed that food and assistance was being provided, not by the Rajapaksa government, but from WFP (World Food Program). I have other reports that housing and agriculture and other necessities are supplied by International NGOs such as Caritas. [15]

To deny these people, citizens of the country, essential help for them to survive, is bad enough. To lie about it is even more damaging to ethnic relations. Those who talk of ‘national reconciliation’ have no idea of the ground realities.

War mentality

What is going on right now is more serious than it has ever been. The war is over but the ‘war mentality’ dominates the Sri Lankan (Sinhalese) rulers. The Tamil Tigers (the ‘enemy’) has been crushed, but the search for new ‘enemies’ continues apace. These include those of us who are critical of what this dreadful regime is doing, the European Union and even the UNHCR that has asked for an independent inquiry into the serious human rights violations that have occurred.

The Sea Tigers have been wiped but the Sri Lankan Navy is to be expanded. So is the Army that has dramatically increased from 170,000 during the war, to 230,000 after the war was over, with a demand to push it up to 300,000. The question is “Where is the enemy to justify the largest army, per capita, of any country in the world?”

This being the reality, to talk of ‘national reconciliation’ is absurd.

4. ‘Sinhalisation’ of the Tamil areas

This is more serious that it has ever been. The agenda of a series of Sinhalese governments since Independence has been to translocate Sinhalese from the South to the Tamil areas to make the Tamils a minority even in the areas where they are a majority. The electoral consequences are obvious.

The agenda and actions of the Rajapaksa regime are far more serious. Large areas of land belonging to the Tamil people have been taken away from them and given to the Sinhalese. This is being done on a massive scale. Using all sorts of excuses, “High Security Zones”, “Special Economic Zones”, Tamils have been denied access to the land they owned, depriving them of their homes and income.

Disturbingly, the Army commander has stated [16] clearly and unequivocally that the (Sinhalese) army will be entrenched in the North and East permanently:- “Army personnel arriving in those areas for duty will be provided permanent houses and allowed to engage in cultivation work”. Unlike earlier, the Tamil North and East will be colonized, not by Sinhalese civilians but by Sinhalese soldiers.

A determination to wipeout (or even control) obstructions to national reconciliation

The major obstruction, indeed the most virulent ones are the politically active Buddhist clergy and Sinhalese ethnoreligious chauvinists. There has been no action to control these disruptive elements that are now more vocal and virulent than they have ever been.

If the Buddhist clergy are told clearly and unequivocally that their place is in Buddhist temples and not on the streets stirring up Sinhala supremacy and demanding the establishment of a Sinhala Buddhist country, then there might be some optimism of a national reconciliation. There has been no such move and these bigots are doing what they have done since Independence in 1948, destroying any possibility of a united country.

No government in the past, present or the foreseeable future, will have the courage to confront these dreadful people who are not only doing irreparable damage to the country and its future, but bringing disrepute to one of the greatest teachers of peace and nonviolence the world has ever known, Gautama Buddha. (My mother was a Buddhist –not that this matters).

So also the Sinhalese extremists and political opportunists, not only at large but even in government, in particular the all-powerful Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the power behind the throne. On 12 June 2007, he ordered the mass deportation of Tamils from Colombo to the Tamil North, claiming that they had “No business to be there”. He claimed that there was ‘insecurity’ in Colombo, and they were the suspects! Do those who talk of ‘national reconciliation’ know all this? I doubt it, despite the fact that I have recorded the evidence, including the eviction order, in the dvds I have recorded and distributed widely.

The Christians

If Sri Lanka is a Sinhala-Buddhist country, there is no place for non-Sinhalese and non-Buddhists. The same violence that has been unleashed on the Tamils, is being unleashed on Christians. Scores, if not hundreds, of Christian Churches have been attacked and destroyed by Sinhalese hooligans led by the Buddhist clergy. In their place, Buddhist temples are being constructed. My dvds document a small, indeed a very small, amount of this. Just a month ago, a 25 year old Christian Church in Rajagiriya, Colombo, was declared an ‘unauthorised structure’ and destroyed on Poson Poya Day – a sacred day in the Buddhist calendar!

More than a dozen Christian clergy, mainly Tamils in the North and East, but also Sinhalese in the South, have been murdered, and many more beaten up. This being reality, I need hardly stress the absurdity of ‘national reconciliation’.

The Sinhalese divide

This article deals, as it should, with Sinhala-Tamil ethnic reconciliation. Unknown to many, there is an increasing divide among the Sinhalese – the ‘have everything’ and the ‘have nothing’. This division has already seen two armed uprisings (1971 and 1988) of disadvantaged rural Sinhalese youths which I have referred to. It is now not just in the rural areas, but across the entire South, including and especially, Colombo.

The divisions between the ‘haves’ and the ‘have nots’ in the Sinhala South is increasing. It is set to increase exponentially, once the IMF demands are implemented.

The GoSL that prosecuted the war using the young lives of the Sinhala poor, is now asking them to ‘tighten their belts even tighter, to ‘rebuild’ the nation.

The rich are most certainly getting richer; the poor are spiraling down to grinding poverty. I am talking of the Sinhalese, not just the Tamils.

Let alone national reconciliation between the Sinhalese and the Tamils being impossible, reconciliation between Rajapaksa’s dynastic (Sinhalese) government and the Sinhalese poor is equally impossible.

The responsibility for this must rest, not just with the ruling cabal, but with the IMF, India, China, the US and others that demand neither transparency nor good governance.

It is this that makes the long term (or even medium term) outlook for Sri Lanka so poor and what makes any suggestion of ‘national reconciliation’ a joke.

The economic crisis

The economic crisis and its flow through have a critical effect on ‘National Reconciliation’ – be it reconciliation between the Sinhalese and Tamils, or the reconciliation between the ‘haves’ and the ‘have-nots’ among the Sinhala people. It therefore merits careful scrutiny.

The country has been heavily in debt for years, with more problems to follow.

The Rajapaksa government (elected November 2005) went on a spending spree to finance the war on the LTTE, crushing it, and also slaughtering upward of 40,000 Tamil and Muslim civilians – a massacre that ended in May 2009, with the President announcing “victory” and the end of the war.

Despite this, a year later, (June 2010), as has been mentioned, the Armed Forces have gone from 175,000, to 230,000 with a declared intention of getting this up to 300,000. The question is why the military should be substantially increased when there is no war. The answer is that it is ‘necessary’ to crush Sinhalese if they protest at the escalating cost of living. That is what fascist dictatorships and totalitarian regimes have done over the ages. The Rajapaksa regime is no exception.

The Defence budget in 2010, a year after the end of the armed conflict, to ‘defend’ the country from a non-existent enemy, is Rs 202 billion ($US 1.8 billion), 21 % of the total expenditure of Rs 974 billion to government ministries.

Last year (2009), government debt reached an incredible Rs 4.1 trillion, of which Rs 1.8 trillion was foreign debt, a 22% rise. Sri Lanka’s Central Bank annual report stated: “The ratio of debt service to government revenue increased further to 117.5% from 90.5%”. Total debt servicing rose by 39% to Rs 825.7 billion in 2009, including a massive interest payment of Rs 309.7 billon which comprised 26% of total expenditure.

There has been a marked increase in public debt with repayments in 2010 of Rs 767 billion, 44 % of the total budget expenditure of Rs 1,780 billion.

In July 2009, with the government facing bankruptcy, Sri Lanka was forced to beg for an IMF loan of $US 2.6 billion, to ward off a balance of payments crisis, having earlier boasted that it never will! The IMF released two installments but withheld the third in February 2010 because the government failed to indicate how it would rein in the budget deficit, which reached 9.7% of GDP in 2009. The IMF demanded a reduction to 7% in 2009, 6% in 2010, and 5% in 2011.

Recently, (June 2010), Ernesto May, the World Bank Director of South Asia launching the Economic Update 2010 in Colombo said that Sri Lanka’s debt was the second highest [17] in South Asia, increasing from 81% of GDP in 2008 to 86% in 2009.

Debt repayments is 44% of overall expenditure. The largest budget allocation is, and has been for years, for debt service repayments. In 2010, interest payments alone account for Rs 337 billion, 26% of total expenditure. In addition, the government has to find Rs 565 billion for debt repayments this year, raising its gross borrowings to Rs 980 billion ($US 8.5 billion).

Unable to implement the IMF austerity measures without facing a massive anti-government backlash from voters, Rajapaksa repeatedly delayed the budget for 2010 (due in November 2009) till he was safely re-installed as President (January 2010), and his government re-elected (April 2010).

In May 2010, Sri Lanka gave an undertaking to the IMF that it would considerably reduce recurrent spending by cutting government subsidies to the Ceylon Electricity Board, Petroleum Corporation, Central Transport Board, Railways, and Postal services. This can be achieved only by axing jobs, cutting wage and increasing prices.

Finally in early June 2010, the government presented to Parliament the expenditure estimates as part of an Appropriation Bill for 2010. The two largest budget items were Defence and Debt repayment. The necessary cuts will be made elsewhere, in particular, a freeze on wages, cuts in pensions and welfare benefits, and a slashing of funds for health and education.

The budget was finally brought down on 29 June, 2010. The day before, a copy of the budget was sent to the IMF to show the massive assault on the working people that the government was going to unleash. The IMF was ‘impressed’ and released the third (suspended) installment of the $US 2.6 billion loan.

The allocation for the Rehabilitation Ministry was slashed from Rs 4 billion to Rs 2 billion. The result will be that thousands of refugees in the North and East will continue to lack homes and essential services. As is obvious, national reconciliation with the Tamils in the North and East is simply impossible if they lack homes and essential services.

Allocations for Health and Education were Rs 52 and 46 billion respectively, a total of Rs 10 billion less than for 2009. (The allocation for 2009 was itself Rs 12 billion less than for 2008).

Well aware that such measures will provoke massive opposition and even strikes by working people, Rajapaksa has retained the huge Police State apparatus to crush any form of opposition. This is what a Police State does to its people irrespective of ethnicity.

In addition to the Government’s fiscal profligacy, there is rampant corruption all the way to the very top, waste and absolute incompetence in governance.

Facing a massive debt servicing bill and economic collapse, large areas of Sri Lanka are ‘up for sale’ to foreign investors, especially from China and India. Most of these areas are in the Tamil North and East, whose rightful owners are in detention centres or are refugees, who are, as a consequence, unable to return home.

Sri Lanka, in particular the Tamil North and East, is being divided up and sold

Unknown to many, there is a ‘fire-sale’ in Sri Lanka, particularly the Tamil lands in the North and East which international economists have stated, has the highest developmental potential. This is exactly what is happening in India which the Indian activist Arundhati Roy, says in her outstanding book The Ordinary Person’s Guide to Empire:-

“The two arms of the Indian government have developed the perfect pincer action. While one arm is busy selling India off in chunks, the other, to divert attention, is orchestrating a howling, baying chorus of Hindu nationalism and religious fascism”.

So also in Sri Lanka. While one arm is selling off the country or borrowing heavily from international lenders i.e. the IMF and China, getting the country deeper and deeper into debt, the other is cheering the ‘victory’ over the Tamil militants and how the country has at last been freed from ‘Tamil terrorism’.

Arundhati Roy goes on:-

“The dismantling of democracy is proceeding with the speed and efficiency of a Structural Adjustment Program. While the project of corporate globalization rips through people’s lives in India, massive privatization and labour ‘reforms’ are pushing people off their land and out of their jobs. Hundreds of impoverished farmers are committing suicide by consuming pesticide. Reports of starvation deaths are coming in from all over the country.

While the elite journeys to their imaginary destination somewhere near the top of the world, the dispossessed are spiraling downwards into crime and chaos. This climate of frustration and national disillusionment is the perfect breeding ground, history tell us, for fascism.”

That is precisely what is happening in Sri Lanka. Democracy is most certainly being dismantled at an alarming rate. What is left is barely recognizable. (Tamil) people are being pushed off their lands into concentration camps or just into the jungle, and out of their jobs (fishing and agriculture).

Hundreds (of Tamils) are committing suicide (I gather Sri Lanka has the 2nd highest rate of suicide in the world. Starvation (of Tamils in the North, and now the Sinhalese poor in the South) is being increasingly reported.

Shanties and slums in Colombo are being bulldozed so that the land can be sold to capitalists. The poor, Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims, are being evicted – to nowhere (see below).

The elite (in particular the Rajapaksa family) are journeying to the top of the world (it is not an imaginary destination), the rest are in grinding poverty with an inflation rate of nearly 30%, and fascism has already been established, proving that history repeats itself.

The less fortunate are certainly “spiraling downwards into crime and chaos”. Unfortunately, they do not have a powerful vocal expatriate community to jump up and down for them. That is the problem of being poor which I have seen, and sympathized with, for years.

Assault on the poor (in Colombo) in the Sinhala South

President Rajapaksa put the Urban Development Authority (UDA) and the Reclamation of Land Development Corporation (RLDC) under the Defence Ministry(!) as part of the City of Colombo Development Plan to attract investors and tourists. On 28 June 2010, an order was issued for a survey of all shanties and huts on government land, reservations and waterways.

In an unbelievable violation of basic human rights, on 10 July 2010, the Sri Lankan military and police attacked thousands of slum dwellers – the poorest of the poor – in Colombo. More than 1,000 Security personnel, including soldiers and police riot squads, attacked, and later rounded up, thousands of residents in Mattakkuliya in northern Colombo. Next morning, some 8,000 residents were marched to an open field where hooded men pointed out more than 200 people, who were taken into police custody.

They had done nothing, except to be born poor, just as the Tamils in the North and East who were locked up in concentration camps had done nothing except to be born Tamil.

This and other military-police operations mark a new and very worrying stage of repressive measures against ordinary people, Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims, by Rajapaksa’s government – evidence of an emerging police-state in Sri Lanka. The capitalists, both local and foreign, will now move in to buy this dreadfully acquired land.

Destructive capitalism, lack of accountability, rampant corruption and absolute power

It is the combination of destructive capitalism, a complete lack of accountability, thuggery, rampant corruption, and absolute power in the hands of one family, (Rajapaksas’ today, preceded by members of my family, the Bandaranaikes, preceded by Jayawardene, and all the way back to the Senanayakes who took over from the British). This nepotism has now reached ‘epidemic proportions’ and unprecedented barbarism.

These irresponsible and increasingly ruthless ‘leaders’, if they can be called that, have been backed by foreign powers for their own geopolitical and economic gains, with money supplied by them and the IMF.

The role of the IMF

The IMF has never had a problem supporting and propping up some of the most ruthless dictators and those who have been guilty of extensive human rights violations. When the GoSL asked for a US$ 1.8 billion loan to finance, among other things, a country with the largest army per capita in the world to murder and crush its people, the IMF gave more than what was requested – ‘generously’ lending US $ 2.6 billion.

No IMF loan has ever been given without crippling conditions which have a disastrous impact on the living conditions of the people. It is those at the bottom of the pile who are crushed by the IMF conditions which include reducing budget deficits, overhauling the tax system and cuts in social spending and essentials such as food, oil prices and electricity.

To be specific, in Rajapaksa’s Sri Lanka, the IMF had no problems financing a regime which maintained ‘defence’ expenditure at astronomical levels at the expense of social development and development projects. As would be expected of any capitalist set-up, the IMF had no objections to Rajapaksa having the world’s largest Cabinet of Ministers, tax breaks for luxury vehicles, and wasteful extravaganza such as the International Indian Film Academy (IIFA) [18] ‘celebration’, as long as there was a freeze on wages, and cuts on subsidies and essential commodities.

The IMF has never interfered with regime’s ‘sovereign right’ to violate democratic and human rights. In fact, the IMF knows full well that implementation of these loan conditions will result in just that.

All of the IMF conditions have been implemented by the GoSL, and more will be, depending on how ruthless the IMF decides to be. Any protests by those who are affected will be crushed by the government with the same ruthlessness with which the Tamils were crushed.

The media

The media are heavily censored or self-censored through fear. They merely regurgitate government propaganda. Those who dare to defy this are quickly silenced. The founder-editor of the Sunday Leader who dared to question the government using military force to settle a political problem, Lasantha Wickrematunga, a Sinhalese, was quickly silenced – murdered in broad daylight in a suburb of Colombo on 8 January 2009 [19].

So have been nearly two dozen media people, Sinhalese and Tamils. Scores have fled the country. Sri Lanka was ranked 165 out of 173 countries in the Reporters without Borders 2008 Press Freedom Index. This was the lowest ranking of any democratic country. It is one of the most dangerous places in the world for independent journalists.

A dreadful country

Victor Ivan, one of Sri Lanka’s most respected journalists, a Sinhalese like me, has this to say in his ‘must-read’ book [20]. The first sentence in the Sinhalese version of the book reads:-

“I have never considered Sri Lanka to be particularly civilized country. It has instead appeared to me to be a particularly immoral country, whose leaders embodied iniquity and baseness”.

It is these iniquitous and base people holding political power in Sri Lanka that Australia and the rest of the world support. In the earlier edition of the same book, published in Sinhala in 2006, Ivan wrote:-

“From now on, the People’s Alliance (the Party led by President Rajapaksa) can no longer speak of democracy…..It cannot speak of transparency, or claim to be a regime as pure as a white lotus (The previous President did). It has lost the right to speak of creating a society governed by benevolence and humanity.”

Just four days before the 2010 General Election, the editorial in a leading Sri Lankan newspaper [21], set out the options facing Sri Lankan voters. In one of the most accurate descriptions of the vast majority of Sri Lankan politicians, the editorial was blunt:-

“None of the individual contenders, political parties or opportunistic coalitions are worthy of our respect or our vote. Together they comprise the most mind-boggling array of crooks, thugs, conmen, hypocrites, unprincipled racists, rapists, drug dealers, money launderers, and general all-round scum that is without parallel elsewhere in the world. Other nations have their share of such undesirables, no doubt, but among them are a handful of honest, sincere, principled folk who have distanced themselves from the corrupt majority. Not so in miserable Sri Lanka.”

One of them, “Colonel Karuna”, a former Tamil militant commander, who had assassinated 130 Sinhala policemen who had surrendered to him in the East, was appointed a Cabinet Minister in Rajapaksa’s government. Amnesty International in a press release [22] “Sri Lanka: Karuna’s presence in Parliament is a travesty of justice” wrote:-

“Karuna should stand trial, The fact that a suspected war criminal should be entering Parliament sends an appalling message – that war crimes, rather than being investigated and punished, are actually rewarded”.

Referring to President Rajapaksa, the editorial said:-

“To vote for a man who is in the process of establishing a dynasty is to vote for the replacement of democracy with monarchy”.

These are the people who are expected to deliver ‘national reconciliation’ in Sri Lanka.

The only politicians of integrity in Sri Lanka, all of them Sinhalese, who have campaigned for justice for the Tamils are those from the Left. They are the outstanding Wije Dias (Socialist Equality Party), Siritunga Jayasuriya (United Socialist Party), and Dr Vickremabahu Karunaratne (Left Front). All three were Presidential candidates at the Presidential election (26.1 2010). The fact that they got 0.04%, 0.08% and 0.07% of the votes cast, while two mass murderers, knee-deep in Tamil blood, Mahinda Rajapaksa, Executive President, Minister of Defence and Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, and Gen Sarath Fonseka, Army Commander who carried out the genocide, got 57.8% and 40.1% of the votes speaks volumes.

The General Election (8 April 2010) showed the same, with those who stood for justice for the Tamils getting less than 0.2% of the votes.

What this means is that the vast majority of Sri Lankans are in favour of the continuing injustice to the Tamils – some 18% of the population. In a country such as that, to talk of ‘national reconciliation’ is nonsense.

To clarify the ‘Left’ in Sri Lanka, I have said that the JVP were Sinhalese Marxist youths (in 1971). The JVP has long since abandoned any trace of Marxism and decided to go down the well-worn path of Sinhala ethnoreligious chauvinism, with the current leader even declaring that Marx got it all wrong! Hypocritically, they still run around wearing a red cap with a hammer and a sickle in what can be best described as ‘pretence Marxism’. One of their leaders, a Minister in Rajapaksa’s government, has just gone on a fast demanding that the UN abandons any attempt to have an investigation into war crimes committed during the closing stages of the war.

The documented ability of these hoodlums and thugs, with their leaders in the Rajapaksa government, to block any ‘concessions’ offered to the Tamils, and to disrupt the country if necessary, makes any talk of ‘National reconciliation’ completely unrealistic.

“Returning to Normal”

If Sri Lanka is ‘returning to normal’ (as the GoSL, and even some international groups such as the UN Human Rights Commission, have claimed), then it is mandatory to ask why internationally renown human rights organizations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, are not allowed free access to all parts of the country.

To focus on the ‘here and now’, the GoSL has just (7July 2010) deported two members of a well-known NGO (non-government organization) [23], “Nonviolent Peaceforce”, that has been working in Sri Lanka since 2003. On 24 June 2010, the Sri Lankan Department of Immigration and Emigration informed Nonviolent Peaceforce – Sri Lanka (NPSL), that visas for Ms. Tiffany Easthom (Country Director, NPSL) and Mr. Ali Palh (Coordinator Human Rights Defenders Project, NPSL) were being cancelled and that they would have to leave the country on or before 7 July 2010.

Nonviolent Peaceforce is an international organisation that tries to improve security for civilians at risk of harm and to prevent attacks and other human rights violations. Their focus is on prevention and change rather than on investigation and the attribution of blame. There is only one conclusion that can be drawn – that the GoSL feels threatened by such activity.

The facts

Let us face some stark facts and not smudge them over with fiction and imagination. Sri Lanka is a pathetically polarized country. The problems are Sinhala majoritarianism, Sinhala-Buddhist ethnoreligious chauvinism, and after the end of the war, Sinhala triumphalism with no consideration of the (Tamil) civilian cost of achieving this ‘victory’. This is not going to change, indeed there is every indication that it will get worse, despite international concerns. The arrogant GoSL could not care less.

The divisions between the Sinhala majority and the brutalized Tamil minority are deepening. So are the divisions between the ‘haves’ and the ‘have-nots’ in the Sinhala South. This division is set to get worse as a totally corrupt, ruthless and despotic regime implements the inhuman conditions demanded by the IMF. Any protests by the helpless Sinhala poor with be crushed by the military and police in what is a Police State. There is neither any international pressure or any incentive to change its policies, its extravagant and limitless expenditure maintaining a massive and increasing Army and Police, abysmal governance by the Rajapaksas, of the Rajapaksas, for the Rajapaksas, for the foreseeable future, manipulating or ignoring the Constitution of the country and trampling on human rights of all its people – Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims. Anyone who dares to challenge this can be prosecuted and persecuted as an enemy of the nation.

The future for Sri Lankans, irrespective of ethnicity, is bleak. The Sinhala poor will be second-class citizens, the Tamils in the North and East, non-citizens, as were the Plantation (‘Indian’) Tamils in 1948, disenfranchised and decitizenised by the first Government of the newly independent country. History is certainly repeating itself.

These are not opinions to be debated, but facts to be faced. The role of the expatriate Tamil community, now more than a million, is to get the facts across to the international community that the Sri Lankan government is lying and has no intention of national reconciliation. To do this, the facts must be known, which is why I have put these together in this publication.

Brian Senewiratne

Brisbane, Australia 20 July 2010

My Thanks.

It is with deep gratitude and admiration that I acknowledge the outstanding work done by my people, the Sinhala people in the South, who are reporters for the World Socialist Web Site. Without their invaluable work, done under the most dangerous and difficult conditions, much of the critical information in this paper would simply not have been there. It is with profound sadness that I am unable to stand with them or to shake their hand. For the first time in my life, I am proud to say that I am a Sinhalese and that it is my people who have made, and continue to make, this invaluable contribution.

As long as there are people like this in Sri Lanka, there is still some hope for a country fast becoming one with no hope or vision. I am sure they are aware of the risks they are taking with a regime that tolerates no criticism and to which ‘truth’ is synonymous with ‘treason’.

I hope that those who read this, will contribute to the WSWS so that this vital work can go on. How you can do so, is on the net. Just go to Google and type “WSWS” and it is all there.

WSWS reporters visit the devastated Sri Lankan town of Kilinochchi

By our correspondents
2 June 2010

One year after the defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), the Sri Lankan government claims that life is returning to normal in the war-ravaged Vanni region. But as our reporting team found during their recent visit to Kilinochchi, that is far from the case. Tens of thousands of civilians who lost everything during the fighting have been “resettled” in the area with little government assistance.

Kilinochchi was the LTTE’s administrative headquarters when its forces controlled most of the Vanni. It was the scene of months of bitter fighting in the final months of 2008 as the LTTE put up stiff resistance to repeated army offensives and sustained aerial and artillery bombardment. The entire civilian population had fled well before Sri Lankan troops finally entered what was a ghost town in early January 2009.

After the fall of Kilinochchi, the LTTE’s resistance rapidly collapsed. The army tightened its noose around the LTTE and confined it to a small pocket of land on the northeast coast, which was pounded relentlessly killing thousands of civilians. When the area was finally overrun in May 2009, the army rounded up more than a quarter of a million civilians, many of whom were injured, sick and famished, and herded them into detention camps.

The internees were only released from last December onwards in response to international and domestic pressure. In the meantime, the military had turned Kilinochchi into an army town with plans for a permanent occupation and the construction of major permanent bases. Former residents found the town devastated and have been forced to eke out an existence as best they can.

Our reporters visited Kilinochchi town and the villages of Poonahari, 26 kilometres to the west, and Vattakachchi, 15 kilometres to the east. They conducted their work under difficult circumstances, as the media generally cannot operate freely in the town. The photos are taken from a bus, but give an indication of the makeshift conditions under which people are living in the Vanni.

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The first thing that strikes you about the situation in Kilinochchi is that you find more soldiers than civilians in the town. They are in uniform and civvies, carrying weapons or just moving here and there. People can only travel to Kilinochchi, either from Jaffna to the north or from Vavuniya to the south, by passing through military camps, checkpoints and patrolling soldiers.

Soldiers might not question you as they would have six months ago but they keep a close eye on everyone’s movements. Just after one of our correspondents went to a relative’s house in a village, soldiers arrived at the house and asked why he was there. When he said he was visiting a relative, they went away. But the same thing happens whenever a new person comes to a house.

The buildings in Kilinochchi town were destroyed last year. Heaps of debris have since been removed about 50 metres from the main road. The traders who have returned are renovating or rebuilding their shops, which were damaged during the war, at their own expense. These are small shops and there are only a few customers. Most of the eating houses are run by the army, catering for people travelling through the town.

People’s land and buildings that were previously occupied by the LTTE are now occupied by the military. A vast area in the southern section of the town has been fenced with barbed wire. Residents think it will be used to erect a military complex. Meanwhile, the Kilinochchi bus stand still has no any shelter. Passengers must wait for buses, sometimes for hours, under trees in the hot sun or rain. No buses are running to some places still.

Former detainees have been sent here almost without any assistance. The government’s attitude is one expression of its communal discrimination. Displaced people spoke angrily about the government’s policy. One person explained: “We are living here abandoned by all. The government said it would provide us with houses, employment and other facilities. It has not even given us clean drinking water, apart from what the relief agencies have supplied. Nobody has come to see our plight. There is no difference between staying in the detention camps and living here. The conditions are the same in both places.”

Many of the resettled people live in 10-by-10 feet huts with tin sheets provided by some non-government organisations. Other people are living in tents that are the same size. There are no separate rooms for sleeping or getting dressed. The floors have been leveled with mud. As there are no toilet facilities, people are using open spaces. Some families have used tin sheets to make roofs for their damaged houses.

People have been able to survive without going hungry only because the World Food Program (WFP) is providing food. Many people don’t have even instruments like knives, equipment to clean their hands, or lamps for daily use. They have to look for bottles to make kerosene oil lamps, and search for water because the wells are not cleaned.

The Kilinochchi district was famous for agriculture and fishing. The large Iranaimadu tank (artificial lake) mainly supplied irrigation for several thousand acres of agricultural land. The tank is now under the military’s control. Water has not yet been fully released for farmers. A few farmers have begun cultivation but they do not have tractors or other basic equipment. Many do not have even a mammoty (a type of spade). Fishermen are not allowed to fish in the tank.

Poonahari village has been devastated, like other areas in the Vanni. The debris from destroyed houses, such as bricks and wood, has been used to erect military checkpoints that monitor the local coastline. One resident commented: “The military checkpoints are made out of the wood and sheets from our homes.”

Students are generally attending schools but there is a serious lack of teachers and equipment. Teachers have to travel a long distance from Jaffna or Vavuniya. At Poonahari, the Vikneswara School, which previously conducted classes up to the advanced level, is now occupied by the military, so students must walk to another school five kilometres away.

The military has also occupied Poonahari’s government hospital. As there are no longer any hospital facilities, people have to beg someone in the army camps to take any seriously ill patients to Kilinochchi in a military vehicle for treatment. Patients with minor illnesses simply have to suffer.

In Vattakachchi village there is no hospital and no school, and the people live in tents. The houses were destroyed during the war. The local Vattakachchi and Ramanathapuram schools remain occupied by the military.

Many women have lost their husbands. They are struggling to survive, facing numerous difficulties, without proper clothes and education for their children. One woman explained: “The government did not give us any help. I don’t have the money to search for my disappeared husband. Others like me face the same problems.”

Billions of rupees are urgently needed to rebuild the Kilinochchi district for proper human habitation. But the Colombo government is not interested in rebuilding the conditions of ordinary people. Its treatment of war-devastated people is a continuation of decades of discrimination against Tamils.

1. Genocide is defined in the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the crime of Genocide as an act committed with intent to destroy in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group

2. International Monetary Fund

3. http://www.tamilcanadian.com/page.php?cat=133&id=3584

4. http://www.abc.net.au/foreign/content/2009/s2811292.htm

5. Leslie Stahl, “Punishing Saddam” CBS, 60 Minutes, 12 May 1996

6. International Crisis Group, Update Briefing: Sri Lanka: A Bitter Peace, 11 January 2010, p. 1, http://www.crisisgroup.org/library/documents/asia/south_asia/sri_lanka/b99_sri_lanka___a_bitter_peace.pdf

7. US Department of State, 2009 Human Rights Report: Sri Lanka, 11 March 2010, http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2009/sca/136093.htm

8. High Security Zones (so-called)

9. http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4c31a5b82.html

10. http://www.wsws.org/articles/2010/jun2010/sril-j02.shtml

11. Four large provinces in the North where the LTTE had set up a de facto State. An extensive study by a Norwegian, Kristian Stokke, Professor of Human Geography and Sociology, Oslo, documented how well it was running. “Tamil Eelam – a De Facto State. Building the Tamil Eelam State: Emerging State Institutions and Forms of Governance in LTTE-controlled Areas of Sri Lanka.

12. Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (People’s Liberation Front) which started as a Marxist youth rebellion of disadvantaged Sinhalese rural youths.

13. Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam – Tamil Tigers.

14. Human Rights Watch, World Report 2010, p. 350, http://www.hrw.org/world-report-2010,

15. A Catholic agency for overseas aid and development

16. Daily Mirror 28.6.2010

17. The highest being Maldives

18. http://www.srilanka.travel/iifa/

19. Four army officers have just been taken in for questioning, but it is certain that they were acting on the instructions of those in Rajapaksa’s government.

20. The Queen of Deceit published in Sri Lanka in 2007

21.The Sunday Leader 4 April 2010. Editorial :”Let’s not create a “Democratic” King”.

22. 7 October 2008

23. http://www.nonviolentpeaceforce.org/our-work-sri-lanka-continues

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