China denies full democracy for Hong Kong

Electoral framework allows direct elections in 2017, but rules out direct nomination of candidates by voters.
( August 31, 2014, Hong Kong SAR, Sri Lanka Guardian) China has endorsed a framework for the first direct election in Hong Kong in two years, but stopped short of allowing citizens of the special administrative region from directly nominating candidates, which activists have been demanding.

The announcement snuffs out hopes for a democratic breakthrough in the regional financial hub [EPA]
The National People's Congress Standing Committee decided on Sunday that the city's next Chief Executive will be elected by popular vote in 2017, "upon nomination by a 'broadly representative' committee", the official news agency Xinhua reported.

"Since the long-term prosperity and stability of Hong Kong and the sovereignty, security and development interests of the country are at stake, there is a need to proceed in a prudent and steady manner," the Standing Committee said in their decision.

Al Jazeera's Rob McBride, reporting from Hong Kong, said the decision is a "direct slap" at pro-democracy activists, who have been demanding for their right to decide who their candidates should be.

"It's a decision that everyone had feared," our correspondent said.

Political reform has been a constant source of friction between Hong Kong's pro-democracy movement and the mainland since the former British colony was handed back to Communist Party rulers in 1997.

Beijing is already hailing it as a milestone in democratic reform.

However, Beijing will tightly curb nominations for the leadership poll to filter out any candidates it deems unacceptable.

Only two or three "patriotic" candidates will be allowed on the ballot and open nominations will be ruled out.

Al Jazeera's Adrian Brown, reporting from Beijing, said that Chinese leaders are worried that Hong Kong voters would elect a leader, who would directly challenge the Communist Party leadership.

With the decision, China wants to remind the world and Hong Kong voters that "it is ultimately in-charge of Hong Kong," he said.

Instead, candidates must be backed by at least 50 percent of a 1,200-person "nominating committee".

That committee is meant to be "broadly representative" of Hong Kong interests, but will be similar in composition to an existing election committee stacked with pro-Beijing loyalists.

It is a formula that will rile Hong Kong's pro-democracy activists, who plan to blockade the city's Central business district in the coming weeks.

'Occupy Central'

On Saturday, Hong Kong's public broadcaster RTHK said 5,000 police will be deployed for the "Occupy Central" protest, heightening the sense of unease. The city's 28,000-strong police force is already on high alert.

Hong Kong's democracy advocates remain deeply distrustful of Beijing despite assurances from the mainland.

"Even if we accept a fake democracy model, there's no assurance at all, that for the next vote, there'll be real democracy," said Lee Cheuk-yan, a pro-democracy lawmaker.

Wang Zhenmin, a prominent legal scholar and Chinese government adviser who was flown to Hong Kong by the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs to talk about the 2017 election, said it is time for "practical and realistic steps".

Willy Lam, a Hong Kong political analyst, however, told Al Jazeera that Hong Kong voters are "very angry" that China is "reneging" on its promise during the 1997 handover. And he predicted "substantial protest" starting on Sunday evening.

The proposed electoral framework will still have to be endorsed by two-thirds of Hong Kong's 70-seat legislature.

With pro-democracy lawmakers holding more than a third of the seats, the proposal will likely be shelved.

Senior Chinese officials have repeatedly warned activists against their "illegal" protests and said they would not back down.

On Friday, China also repeated its warning against foreign interference, saying it will not tolerate the use of Hong Kong "as a bridgehead to subvert and infiltrate the mainland".

The Occupy Central movement has not yet won broad support among Hong Kong's middle class, who are concerned about antagonising China and disruptions to business, but strong measures by China or the Hong Kong police could change that.

Source:
Al Jazeera and agencies



Economics and Elections

| by Tisaranee Gunasekara

“When the social contract is abrogated, when trust between a government and its citizens fails, disillusionment, disengagement or worse follows.”
Joseph Stiglitz (The Price of Inequality)

( August 31, 2014, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Most Lankans do not earn enough to make ends meet, according to government statistics.

53% of the urban population, 73% of the rural population and 81% of the estate population do not receive the minimum income necessary to pay for food and other basic needs, according to the Department of Census and Statistics.

“A family of four in the urban sector needed an income of Rs. 59,000 for their monthly food and other basic requirements, while a family of four in the rural sector needed Rs. 37,560 and a family of four in the estate sector Rs. 29,000.” And the absolute majority of families in all three sectors do not earn this minimum monthly income.

Obviously the fancy projects so beloved by the Ruling Siblings, from Arcade Independence to Lotus Towers, have no relevance whatsoever to the actual lives and needs of most Lankans.

A hungry man cannot be convinced that his stomach is full. But he can be made to believe that his hunger is a temporary condition. In the past the Siblings did manage to convince a large segment of the populace (probably a majority) that economic deliverance is just round the next bend.
No more. As the CPA surveys demonstrated, hope of economic betterment has eroded sharply between 2011 and 2013 – not just among Tamils and Muslims but also among Sinhalese.

In 2011, 70% of Sinhalese thought the general economic situation will improve in the next two years. In 2013 only 38.5% of Sinhalese thought the general economic situation will improve in the coming two years . A decrease of 45% in just two years amounts to a radical change in public perception. A change which can impact, perhaps even decisively, on politics, especially electoral-politics.

There is a yawning gap between what most Lankans want the government to prioritise and the actual Rajapaksa priorities. According to the CPA Survey, a majority of Lankans think the government should focus on cost-of-living, poverty and education issues. Fancy infrastructure projects and beautification programmes are not a priority for the Sinhalese either, who want the government to focus on cost-of-living (58.5%), health (33.1%) and reducing poverty (33%).
How can people not lose hope given this chasm between what they want the government to do and what the government is actually doing?

The prospect of a dimmer future is not just a matter of conjecture but also of hard facts. According to a confidential report by a ministerial subcommittee, revenue as a percentage of the GDP has been declining over the years. In 2011 revenue was 14.3% of the GDP; in 2012 it declined to 13% ; an even sharper decline happened in 2013, when the ratio fell to just 11%.

The regime’s grandiose revenue estimates for 2015 are thus nothing but pie in the sky, ‘unrealistic and unachievable.’

The Committee also warns against that cornerstone of Rajapaksa economics - excessive reliance on indirect taxes: “It is not prudent to continue our over-reliance on indirect taxes and must rely instead on a direct tax effort. We must ease taxing of goods for consumption and services regardless of the people’s income levels and avoid placing burdens on the poorer households” . The Committee has opposed another Rajapaksa habit - that of giving generous tax exemptions to favoured investors. Most pertinently, the Committee has warned that over time “neither savings, investments nor revenue have increased other than generating a higher rate of consumption.”

In a nutshell, the Rajapaksas prepare budgets based on non-existent revenue; they give concessions to the rich while imposing unbearable burdens on the poor and the middle classes; their over-reliance on indirect taxation is pushing prices – especially of essentials – up; consumption, be it governmental or popular, is based not on earnings but on debt.

Not only is the regime wasting the country’s meagre income on unproductive, wasteful and unnecessary ventures; it is also encouraging the people (especially the middle classes) to adopt an equally unsustainable living pattern. We have a country, a government and a people ensconced in a borrow-and-spend bubble.
Bubbles do not last. This is probably the main rational reason for early national elections.

Last time national elections were held early, so that the Rajapaksas could benefit fully from the rosy afterglow of victory. This time the main (non-superstitious) reason for early elections would be economics, the fear that in two years, the façade would have cracked too much and illusions would be in shorter supply than necessary.

Wrong Economics; Economic Wrongs

Gotabhaya Rajapaksa prides himself on his efficiency. Facts and figures tell quite another story. According to a report presented to parliament by the Auditor General, the UDA has been making loses since 2006. By 2011, the UDA’s accumulated losses amounted to over Rs. 1,230 million (1.23 billion rupees).

And when the UDA makes a profit, it does so the Rajapaksa way, via sleight-of-hand. Again, according to the AG’s Report, “Even though the Authority had realised a profit before tax of Rs.242 million in 2011, the profit was due to a receipt of Rs.532 million from the General Treasury….” In other words though the UDA claimed to have made a profit in 2011, in actuality, it made a massive loss of Rs.290 million!

Then there is the Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport; in May its total earning was Rs. 16,185/-; not profit; but income ! Incidentally one wonders how many litres of water are spent per day on maintaining this loss-making colossus while ordinary people and animals of Hambantota and Moneragala are tormented by acute thirst.

Despite the precarious state of governmental revenue, the Rajapaksas gave another signature tax break this month – to casinos. “…12% Value Added Taxes and 2% Nation Building Tax charged on existing casinos were removed and replaced with a mere 5% gaming revenue.” An understandable largesse, given that most of the exiting casino owners are Rajapaksa acolytes, including Dhammika Perera, businessman and Secretary to the Ministry of Transport.

The deficit caused by sky-rocketing expenditure and plummeting revenue is bridged by borrowing, mostly from China. Sri Lanka has received “an estimated $4billion worth of loans, grants and aid…. Nearly 70 percent of Sri Lanka’s infrastructural projects….are being funded by Chinese banks.” Most Chinese funds come not as grants/aid but as loans – meaning higher interests and stringent conditionalities, including political ones. This will worsen relations with Delhi, with PM Modi taking a tougher line on ethnic and fishing issues to punish the Rajapaksas for their dependence on Beijing. Rajapaksa economics is creating a vicious circle in the arena of foreign relations as well.

As the efficacy of razzle-dazzle to sustain false hopes fades, the Rajapaksas will embrace ethno-religious racism with increasing vigour. Imaginary enemies, from resurrected Tigers and Jihadists to Catholic Action and Western conspiracies, will be used to frighten Sinhala-Buddhists into clinging to the Kurrakkan shawl.

Moneragala is a test case. It hints at the lengths the Rajapaksas will go to, to maintain familial power and prestige. The greater the economic malaise, the more lethal the election violence; 2015 will be far bloodier than 2010.


References;
  1. Question Time reveals colossal waster pf public funds while masses struggle – Chandani Kirinde – The Sunday Times – 27.7.2014
  2. http://www.scribd.com/doc/182597529/Top-line-survey-results-Democracy-in-post-war-Sri-Lanka
  3. The Island – 10.6.2013
  4. Light on revenue: Cabinet subcommittee says 2015 revenue targets undrealistic and unachievable - Sandun Jayasekara – Daily Mirror - August 23
  5. The UDA not just makes losses; it also breaks the law with impunity. For instance, “The Auditor General also noted that even though the Authority had been informed by the Attorney General in writing that the UDA was not authorised to establish a company for managing rest houses, the Authority had established a company named UGA Rest House, exceeding its legal powers. The company had been renamed as Lanka Rest House Company with effect from Nov.15 2010.”
  6. http://sundaytimes.lk/140427/news/uda-losses-since-2006-total-rs-1230-million-auditor-general-93978.html
  7. http://lankacnews.com/english/news/may-income-rs-16185/
  8. http://www.ceylontoday.lk/22-71278-news-detail-good-for-casinos.html
  9. http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2014/08/sri-lanka-economy-reliance-china-infrastructure-20148256345589851.html

A Provincial Poll That Is More Of A Battlefield

| by Kishali Pinto-Jayawardena
Courtesy: The Sunday Times

( August 31, 2014, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Is there any country in the world where the ruling administration castigates the Department of the Police, (gripped tightly in the iron fist of its own politicians), for failing to control election violence?

This amazing if not palpably ludicrous phenomenon is increasingly exhibited in Sri Lanka as the Uva province moves towards a provincial poll which is beginning to resemble more of a battlefield rather than an electoral fray.

No level electoral playing field

This week, the UPFA’s General Secretary and a senior Minster of this government lambasted the police for failing to stop election violence in Badalkumbura in the Monaragala District. Supporters of the opposition Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) were attacked by goons of a ruling party politician while putting up a stage preparatory to an election rally. Claiming that they were the injured party on the other hand, the government complained that their supporters had to be hospitalized. Indeed, these clashes left intervening police officers also injured.

This appears to be a tad different to what took place during the previous provincial council elections. The violence is concentrated this time around in Moneragala where the government’s show of strength is directed also at former Army Commander Sarath Fonseka’s electioneering efforts.

In this ugly fracas, efforts of ruling party politicians to show themselves off as victims should receive short shrift. The attempt is to project the government on a level electoral playing field with the opposition parties. This is logically unsustainable. At no time following independence has all state institutions been so completely controlled by the ruling party as in these unhappy times. The Department of the Police has fared the worst in this regard. Its professional command hierarchy has been rendered obsolete. Political patronage reigns supreme.

Non-existent morale of the police

This status quo has not changed by bringing the Department under a so called Ministry of Law and Order to give effect to the recommendations of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission that the police must be de-politicized and de-militarized. The police continue to be run in a militarized manner subject to the whim and fancy of ranking superiors who are protected by political patronage. In fact, police officers are themselves perhaps in the worst predicament that they have ever been as the honourable among them struggle to maintain equitability in this appallingly lop-sided power equation.

Individual cases show the overall pattern very well. A police officer was interdicted last month by his superior supposedly for informing a private TV Channel that he was ordered to do labourer’s work at the Borella police station by the officer-in-charge (OIC). A few days ago, he complained to the Supreme Court that his fundamental rights had been violated. And what of that other unfortunate police officer who attempted to stop a Deputy Minister from speeding and was abused and assaulted? Action was also taken against him and he later resigned from the police service in disgust. This extent of politicization of the police department is unprecedented.

Retired police officers who protested against the 17th Amendment for vesting disciplinary control of errant police officers in an independent National Police Commission (NPC) remain markedly silent in response to these profound injustices. At that time, the objection was that those who exercise administrative control over the police must also exercise disciplinary control. It was opined by some that bifurcating the two functions would have a disastrous impact on the morale of the police. But the question now is whether the so-called morale of the police is existent in any manner to be talked of? The one voice consistently speaking out on these matters belongs to former Senior Superintendant of Police (SSP) Tassie Seneviratne. Many more should follow his lead.

And the opposition is also responsible for this state of affairs. The jettisoning of the 17th Amendment was by all political parties, as we must remind ourselves. Despite the JVP being in the forefront of pushing this Amendment through, they also joined in the chorus of discrediting the NPC. It has been consistently contended in these column spaces that the political objection to the 17th Amendment arose primarily as a result of the steadfast functioning of the NPC in its first (and constitutionally appointed) term. In the absence of strong public support, the independent NPC was replaced by a puppet entity under the 18th Amendment. This body now only wastes public funds to no discernible purpose.

When the South is in disarray, what hope can the North and East have?

So what is the reality that currently confronts us? Ordinary Sri Lankans in whatever part of the country are united in their condemnation of the police. Mob attacks on minorities and on activists have seen the police only as silent observers. Now to add insult to injury, we have government politicians also blaming the police.

This problem must see substantive reform of the police administrative structure and the reinstitution of an independent supervisory body, not mere tinkering with the Police Ordinance. Where the former conflict areas are concerned, increasing the number of Tamil speaking police officers is hardly an effective solution. Representation of minority police officers in a state structure designed to mete out injustice is no answer. Michael Brown, the unarmed, black teenager shot and killed by a white police officer in Missouri, led to riots and outrage across the United States. This ignited fierce debates on institutionalized racism within the police ranks by community activists, lawyers and policemen themselves.

Such questions must likewise occupy public debate here. As the rawest recruit to the head of the Department of the Police is aware, refusing a political command invites professional suicide if not danger to life and limb. Spokespersons for the regime would do well to refrain from pretending otherwise.
And the most telling point is that if effective law and order is not maintained in Sri Lanka as against the Sinhala majority, what hope could minority citizens possibly have?


Yoda Katu Gas

New & Emerging Invader Found In Knuckles Mountain

| Text and pictures by Dr. Lalith Gunasekera

( August 31, 2014, Queensland, Sri Lanka Guardian) This is not Giant Mimosa (Yoda Nidikumba) or Katu gas in Horton Plains and also not familiar plant to Sri Lankans. This is another new alien invader found in Knuckles mountain range at Riverston area commonly known as a Giant Bramble (Rubus alceifolius). People in Sri Lanka not familiar with this species but I straight away recognised the species as it has been a big problem in tropical parts of Australia and also listed by IUCN among the top 100 invasive species of the world. It is normally found on road shoulders and the edges of rainforests.

Giant Bramble is native to China, Taiwan, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, and Thailand. It is a coarse, vigorous scrambling shrub with a woody rootstock, covering other plants and forming thickets that reproduce by seed and layering. Stems robust, thick primary canes up to 5 m long, covered with a felt of dense brown hairs and scattered hooked prickles. The stems erect at first and then arching and scrambling over other plants. Short secondary canes producing flowers develop in the leaf axils of primary canes in the second year of the growth. Leaves are green above, velvety brown below due to a dense covering of reddish hairs. Leaves set alternatively on stems, 12.5 cm across, deeply notched at the base with 5-7 shallow but finely serrated lobes. Flowers white, 1.5 to 2 cm diameter, in clusters at ends of secondary canes. Fruit a succulent aggregate berry of edible 1 seeded segments or drupelets, red when ripe. Seeds are small and black in colour. Seeds spread by birds and other animals and rooting of cane tips.

Giant bramble growing through Knuckles

Giant bramble has a short woody rootstock giving rise to a sparsely branched main root with a number of fibrous laterals in the upper soil layers. It occurs in wet gullies, creek banks and around rainforests in the humid tropics. 

Impacts: 

Giant bramble forms dense thickets due to its high growth rate that smother other plant species. Barbed canes restrict access to water and readily invade developing pasture lands, newly clear lands and forests. It will encroach onto roadways, hindering access to useful areas and spread into disturbed rainforest areas.

Control

Herbicide can be used by applying as an overall spray during the early flowering period, making sure that the leaves and stems are thoroughly wetted. Penetration of thick clumps may be difficult and re-spraying may be required.

I would like to urge relevant authorities to quickly identify the plant and make suitable measure to remove this species as soon as possible. The species is still in early stages of its invasion (as my observation within very short time period) in Knuckles region. Don’t let it loose to our endemic forest and patina grasslands of Knuckles. Otherwise Knuckles Protected Forest will be a paradise for “invasive plants”.

'Ninja' attackers move to Wellawaya - 4UNP offices and 5 JVP offices destroyed

Where are the high powered police motorbikes?
 - Road blocks still not in place

( August 31, 2014, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Nine election offices of opposition political parties have been attacked in Wellawaya and Moneragala between August 29 and 30. Campaign for Free and Fair Elections (CaFFE) observes that five Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) offices and four United National Party (UNP) offices have been burnt and three of them have been completely destroyed.

Last week 21 election offices of opposition political parties were attacked within 72 hours in Moneragala district, most of the attacks were concentrated in Bibile electorate.

These attacks were carried out by gunmen traveling in unmarked vehicles and CaFFE wrote thrice to the Commissioner of Elections and the IGP informing him that a large number of vehicles without number plates or with garage numbers were electioneering in Uva. Despite assurances given that action would be taken, CaFFE observed such vehicles in four separate occasions in Keppetipola, Bandarawela, Wellawaya- Buttala road and Bibile Medagama road on August 29 and 30.

The Commissioner of Elections have asked the IGP to deploy additional policemen to Moneragala and to establish road blocks. While the police assured that such action have been taken CaFFE has not noticed any arrests or a reduction of attacks on elections offices. Although police patrol logs were to be placed in registered election offices of opposition political parties, this has not occurred till today (31.)

Given below is a list of the offices most recently attacked. JVP election office, hosted at Mr. Vimalasena's house at Unawatuna Bodiya, Kuda Oya, Buttala, was attacked on 00.30 hours on August 30. Around the same time the JVP office in Puhulkotuwa, Halmillewa, Buttala was attacked and completely destroyed. Luckily no one was present when the attack took place. Meanwhile the office hosted by JVP candidate Palliyaguruge Wijesiri at Maduraketiya, Moneragala has been attacked thrice so far. JVP offices in Hamburugala and Ellekona have also been attacked on the same day.

Office of opposition leader of Wellawaya pradesheeya Sabha, UNPer Roy Kavinda was attacked on August 29. The office situated at Etiliwewa junction is the biggest UNP office in Wellawaya. The UNP offices in Malwattawa junction, Anapallama and Kitulkote were also attacked on August 29.

Meanwhile the office of independent candidate WM Udaya Kumara, at 17 junction, Okkampitiya was also attacked.

CaFFE expresses its disappointment at continuous attacks on the opposition and the lack of action taken to stop these attacks.


CBK meets with Aung Sung Suu Ky

( August 30, 2014, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Former President Chandrika Kumaratunga was in Myanmar [Burma] last week and met with Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, a globally known activist for democracy she is the leader of the National League for Democracy in Myanmar.

The meeting held at the Chatrium Hotel in Yangon, with senior leaders of the NLD focused on electoral systems and matters related to Peace. Chandrika Kumaratunga said it was ‘too early ‘for Myanmar to use the proportional representation in elections.

Myanmar has used the first passed the post [FPTP] system for national Elections since 1948.

A joint statement issued by the NLD and allied ethnic parties said ‘the PR system would not benefit Myanmar’s political situation or the interests of the people in the country. It may be beneficial to some political parties’ 
 



Meeting Of Sri Lankan Tamil Parliamentarians With Indian Prime Minister

| by N.S.Venkataraman

( August 29, 2014, Chennai, Sri Lanka Guardian) Sri Lankan parliamentarians from Tamil National Alliance (TNA) met the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi in New Delhi recently and discussed the problems of Sri Lankan Tamils. Later on, it was said that the Tamil National Alliance had reposed its faith in Indian Prime Minister to solve the problems of the ethnic Tamils in Sri Lanka.

It is not clear how President Rajapaksa view this visit and discussions with the Indian Prime Minister. Certainly, Mr. Narendra Modi would not have liked . if any Indian rebel groups visit another country and meet the leader of the government in that country and would appeal to him to use his good offices to solve the problems of the rebels in India . Recently, when a few rebels in Kashmir met the Pakistan Ambassador in India to discuss their issue, Government of India took serious objection to this and went to the extent of cancelling the peace talks with Pakistan.

By remaining silent, President Rajapaksa has shown good understanding of the ground realities and perhaps does not want to embarass Prime Minister Narendra Modi by making any adverse observations.

However, this visit of Sri Lankan Tamil Parliamentarians to New Delhi and their discussions with the Indian Prime Minister only highlight the fact that President Rajapaksa is yet to win the confidence of the minority Tamil community living in Sri Lanka. While it certainly may not be possible in the present conditions to win the confidence of the pledged critics amongst the Tamil leadership in Sri Lanka, the common Tamils living in Sri Lanka would react favourably if Sri Lankan government would take convincing steps to find solutions for the problems faced by the Tamil population.

Of course, it would be incorrect to argue that the Sri Lankan government has done nothing to improve the economic and social conditions of the Tamil people. It would be uncharitable if anyone would advance such arguments.

It is said that the Tamil National Alliance want unification of the northern and eastern provinces and full implementation of the 13th amendment to Sri Lanka’s Constitution. Perhaps, President Rajapaksa should try to maintain a channel of communication with the Tamil Parliamentarians and create a cordial climate for discussions with them, so that such visit to Indian Prime Minister would become unnecessary.

The demand that the military presence should be withdrawn from the Tamil areas would not be acceptable to Sri Lankan government and this is understandable, particularly due to the fact that the militant Tamil rebels and whatever that remain of LTTE have not given up the objectives and methods of fighting with the Sri Lankan government even in violent way. Withdrawal of the military presence at this juncture would only create unsafe conditions for the peace loving citizens living in the Tamil area and pave way for creating conflict zones.

The best strategy to create the climate of confidence is for the Sri Lankan government to take steps urgently and in an appropriate manner to promote industrial and economic growth and social progress of the minority Tamil population. Creation of skill acquisition opportunities for the local Tamils and generation of avenues of employment for the people living at various economic levels would go a long way in reducing tensions and creating harmony. People need jobs and income which would enable them to settle down and focus on progressive and healthy life style.

Even in India, the Indian Prime Minister has repeatedly emphasised that ensuring economic and industrial development and promoting employment opportunities is the best strategy to solve the multitude of problem faced by India in one stroke over a period of time. The same logic and approach would be well suited for Sri Lanka also.

It is good to hear that the Indian government is providing support to the Sri Lankan government in building roads and promoting industrial estates in the areas of erstwhile conflict and war zone.

President Rajapaksa should l focus on ushering economic growth in the eastern and northern province in all possible ways that would ensure an atmosphere of growth and peace. Certainly , President Rajapaksa should attend to the complaints that historical and cultural symbols of Tamils have not been adequately protected. He should not only solve such problems but should also appear to be solving them.

Sri Lanka: Enforced Disappearances & Extrajudicial Killings

| A written submission to the UN Human Rights Council by the Asian Legal Resource Centre

( August 29, 2014, Hong Kong SAR, Sri Lanka Guardian) 1. Although, technically speaking, enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings are two distinct categories of gross violations of human rights, these two categories often overlap in Sri Lanka. Often, what get classified as enforced disappearances are kidnappings followed by interrogation, which often involve the use of torture and ill-treatment, followed by executions done in secret and, finally, the secret disposal of bodies. Despite several commissions looking into involuntary disappearances having made extensive observations and recommendations on the nature of enforced disappearances in Sri Lanka and ways to avoid the same, successive governments have failed to implement these recommendations. The following are observations and recommendations from ALRC to the Council on the issue of enforced disappearances in Sri Lanka.

Image Courtesy: HRW
2. Successive governments have refused to make Sri Lanka a signatory to the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances. This refusal to become a party to the convention has arisen from the premise that forbidding enforced disappearances is an undue restriction on the police, military, and other law enforcement agencies. The government's approval for resorting to enforced disappearances under certain circumstances is implied in the government's refusal to become a party to this convention. This position is contrary to the government's obligations under international law and under the normal obligations of legitimate governance. As long as the government of Sri Lanka refuses to become a signatory to this Convention, it is justifiable to accuse it of being complicit in allowing enforced disappearances.

3. Sri Lanka's justice system has not developed an effective mechanism for investigating and prosecuting enforced disappearances. Due to the failure to develop an effective law enforcement mechanism, capable and willing to investigate enforced disappearances and prosecute perpetrators, the government can be justifiably accused of overtly and covertly pursuing a policy of allowing enforced disappearances.

4. In Sri Lanka, there prevails a climate of fear, wherein relatives of victims of enforced disappearances are intimidated away from making complaints and pursuing justice in relation to enforced disappearances. So long as such a situation of fear and intimidation prevails, the government of Sri Lanka can be accused of encouraging the practice of enforced disappearances.

5. Ever since the resolution entitled "Promoting reconciliation, accountability and human rights in Sri Lanka" was passed at the Human Rights Council, there has been heavy propaganda. This propaganda has painted anyone wishing to give evidence before the committee assigned by the council to investigate into human rights abuses under the said resolution, or wishing to assist victims and relatives, as being unpatriotic and, therefore, deserving of reprisals from the government and its supporters.

6. There have been mob attacks, some led by Buddhist monks, on several meetings organized by civil society groups, to express solidarity with the families of disappeared persons. The government, in its failure to enforce the law against such attackers, has encouraged a policy of intimidation against the families of the disappeared, as well as civil society organisations that are merely carrying out their obligations to extend support to families of victims of gross violations of human rights.

7. Fear of abductions, which may be followed by enforced disappearances, prevails in all parts of the country, in particular, in the North and the East. It has virtually become an invitation for serious reprisals, to be witness to a crime allegedly committed by the police, military, or other government agency. The government's propaganda machinery, through the media, has been mobilized to carry out a campaign against persons who wish to give evidence as witnesses to enforced disappearances and other human rights abuses. Allowing such propaganda to take place through its media channels gives rise to a justifiable accusation that the government is involved in the suppression of persons who wish to become witnesses against crime, particularly in incidents of gross violations of human rights.

8. The fear of reprisals prevalent in the country is an obstacle to any attempt at accountability and reconciliation in Sri Lanka. By allowing such a state of fear and intimidation, the government can be justifiably accused of openly acting against every initiative towards accountability and reconciliation.

9. Besides enforced disappearances, there have also been other forms of extrajudicial killings. One such form is through torture at the police stations. The case of Sandun Malinga, a 17-year-old boy who was tortured and later killed at Kandaketiya Police Station, is one such extrajudicial killing through torture. Another form of extrajudicial killings is shootings by police officers, who have recently been issued with guns through an order of the Ministry of Defence. Two such killings are that of 24-year-old Subash Indika and 19-year-old S.M. Kelum Subasinghe. Further, there have been several killings of suspects in police custody by officers under the pretext of self-defence. As a general rule, no serious inquiries into allegations of such extrajudicial killings have resulted.

10. The Asian Legal Resource Centre respectfully submits that one of the major causes of enforced disappearances, as well as extrajudicial killings, is the virtual collapse of the public justice system within Sri Lanka, due to politicization of the police, prosecutorial branch, and the judiciary, which, in turn, is a result of the authoritarian form of government that has developed due to the 1978 Constitution and reinforced by the 18th Constitutional Amendment. We further submit that until this constitutional framework favouring authoritarianism is dismantled, enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings will likely continue with impunity.

# # #

About the ALRC: The Asian Legal Resource Centre is an independent regional non-governmental organisation holding general consultative status with the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. It is the sister organisation of the Asian Human Rights Commission. The Hong Kong-based group seeks to strengthen and encourage positive action on legal and human rights issues at the local and national levels throughout Asia.



Reprisals the human cost of cooperating with the UN

( August 28, 2014, Geneva, Sri Lanka Guardian) In a new video produced by ISHR and True Heroes Films, we share with you the stories of reprisals against individuals and organisations who have bravely engaged at the UN.

From smear campaigns, harassment and criminalisation, to physical attacks and killings – the experiences of these courageous men and women are sadly just a few examples of a widespread issue.

More information on reprisals can be found at here

A subtitled version of this film can be viewed at here



Uniting the Dupes

| by Tisaranee Gunasekara

“A programme to convert Hindu people into the Catholic religion is being implemented today. This problem is having a severe impact on the Hindu people of North-East. Those people asked us to obtain help from Bodu Bala Sena to find a solution to this problem.”
N Arunkanthan, President, All Ceylon Hindu Federation (Joint Media Conference with the BBS – 26.8.2014)

( August 28, 2014, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Bodu Bala Sena has a new ally – All Ceylon Hindu Federation. The purpose of this ‘Buddhist-Hindu’ partnership, according to Galagoda-Atte Gnanasara Thera, is to build national integration.

National integration, BBS style. Meaning, inciting Buddhists and Hindus against Catholics/Christians and Muslims; dividing the two main ethnic groups along religious lines; making the Sinhalese forget their economic woes; making the Tamils forget all their woes, including the unresolved ethnic issue; creating a religious justification for the de facto occupation of the North and the galloping militarization, nationwide.

If the new plan is successful it will fracture Sri Lanka, along religious lines. It will also bring rich dividends for the Rajapaksas, starting with a substantial victory at the Presidential election.

The Rajapaksas control the state, the party and the army; Mahinda Rajapaksa still retains a considerable degree of popularity. But when it comes to polls, the Siblings do not take any chances, as is evident from the current happenings in Uva.

Violent attacks on the opposition commenced even before Uva nominations concluded. This week, the terror campaign reached a new level. The house of a JVP candidate was subjected to a hail of bullets, for about 45 minutes. The gun-toting attackers who came in Defender jeeps also chased the police away . As always, the attackers vanished miraculously, leaving the police clueless!

Unfree and unfair practices are now built into the electoral process itself. While these might ensure a bare or even a safe win, they will not suffice to bring about the spectacular victory the Rajapaksas desire. Naked terror is being used to fill the gap. Uva, after all, is very special, with a Presidential nephew in the ring. The Family must not just win; it must win colossal, in order to maintain its gilt and its dominance.

Uva therefore is a prologue to the Presidential election. Mahinda Rajapaksa must not just win, but win with a stupendously huge margin. There is nothing the Siblings will not do to ensure this necessary outcome, including igniting religious fires.

The Rajapaksas seem to have won the battle to prevent the opposition from fielding a common candidate. But other problems remain, including the possibility of vigorous campaigns by several opposition parties. If conducted with single-minded focus on the Rajapaksa menace, these separate campaigns can have a unified effect on the electorate, fissuring the Sinhala-Buddhist base of the Rajapaksas and persuading a segment of floating voters to vote against the UPFA. Consequently the Siblings will persist in creating conflicts among and within the opposition parties.

Then there is the danger of the minority vote going against the Rajapaksas, almost en bloc.

That is where the religious cards will become indispensable. If Sinhalese and Tamils can be divided internally, along religious lines, and if most Buddhists and some Hindus can be persuaded that they face an existential threat from Muslims and Christians, the Rajapaksas will benefit, politically and electorally.

If bogus religious issues are super-imposed on really existing socio-economic and political issues, the electorate can be confused and confounded. The Sinhalese can be frightened into thinking that the ISIS or some other Jihadhist outfit is here and only the Rajapaksas can save the land from this new menace. The Tamils can be divided along religious lines and made to blame each other – and the Muslims – for all their old and new problems. The entire electorate, from North to South, can be made so addlebrained with phobia and psychosis that they become incapable of seeing right or thinking straight. Many Sinhalese can be tricked into voting for the Rajapaksas, again, despite their obvious economic misery. Many Tamils can be tricked into abstaining or perhaps even voting for a BJP-style Hindu-extremist candidate who screams about saving Hindu faith, traditions and culture from Christian/Catholic and Islamic incursions. 

The purpose of the new BBS-Hindu Federation partnership would be to divide so that the Rajapaksas can rule.

BBS Divides; Rajapaksas Rule

The desire to divide was clearly evident in the tone and the thrust of the joint BBS-Hindu Federation media conference. According to Galagoda-Atte Gnanasara Thera, Buddhists and Hindus must unite because they have common enemies. “Today the country is in grave danger. Lives were sacrificed to save the North-East. But the real owners are being chased away from these areas. Tamil villages are becoming Islamisised. Sinhala people as well as Tamil people have these problems….. There are problems about resettling Tamil-Hindu people made homeless by the war. But if they accept Christianity, they are allowed to settle down near the Madu Church.”

N Arunkanthan, the President of All Ceylon Hindu Federation, named the main targets – Catholic prelates of Jaffna and the TNA: “It is evident that this conversion programme has the support of Catholic priests of Jaffna and the TNA. Our politicians are not talking about these things.”

If an anti-Muslim/Christian Hindu-extremist party, along BJP lines, is set up, Tamil politics can be shifted, at least partially, onto a religious track. If Tamil-Hindus can be duped into a confrontational position with Tamil-Catholics and Muslims, the shock effects might be felt not just nationally but also in the Diaspora.

Twenty four hours after the first media conference, the BBS had another media conference, pushing the same angle. The National Organiser of the BBS, Vithrandeniya Nanda Thera announced that before abolishing the executive presidency or devolving power, extremism and terrorism must be destroyed. He claimed that Tamils in Vavuniya are being chased away from their original lands by Muslim invaders. A gentleman from Vavuniya, A Sanker, stated that his family and other inhabitants of Puliyankulama village in Vavuniya were chased away by bus-loads of Muslims. Mr. Sanker claimed that because the Divisional Secretary ignored the victimised Tamil villagers, they wrote to the President; the President wrote back promising justice. Mr. Sankar took this presidential missive to the Divisional Secretary. “He took the letter, read it and said, ‘What is this? Our President is Minister Bathiudeen’” .

In order to survive, the Rajapaksas must divide their opponents. And they will do so even at risk of civil peace and national security.

Create a Hindu-Catholic clash in the North and/or a Hindu-Muslim clash in the East, and every other issue, from land-grabbing by the military to joblessness can be shoved aside. The Siblings are still trying to build an anti-Islamic bridge to Modi-India; in a recent interview with Indian publication, Outlook, Gnanasara Thera proclaimed baldly that Lankan Muslims are a threat to India as well . Perhaps the Rajapaksas also hope to use the Jihadist-card to reach out to the West and those Islamic-countries at odds with the barbaric ISIS. If North can be made restive with ‘Hindu-Catholic’ clashes or anti-Papal demonstrations, perhaps Pope Francis can be persuaded to limit his visit to the South, for security reasons.

A stone which can kill so many birds! How can the Rajapaksas resist?



  1. Bodu Bala Sena-Lanka Hindu Federation Unite – Lankadeepa – 27.8.2014
  2. http://www.bbc.co.uk/sinhala/multimedia/2014/08/140826_uva_violence_video.shtml
  3. Lankadeepa – 27.8.2014
  4. Ibid
  5. Before all Extremism and Terrorism must be defeated – Lankadeepa – 28.8.2014
  6. http://www.outlookindia.com/article/Muslims-Pose-A-Threat-In-Sri-Lanka/291662


Why Mahinda went to Houston?

| by Upul Joseph Fernando

( August 28, 2014, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Mahinda's sudden visit to Houston in America has stirred the curiosity of many Sri Lankan watchers of the developing political scene. In January 2011 also Mahinda went on an unscheduled visit to Houston quite suddenly raising a whole host of speculations. To an inquisitive media the government sources at the time disclosed that the President was on a private visit to see his brother Dudley Rajapaksa who was an American citizen living in Houston. Later it transpired Mahinda had been actually visiting former American President George Bush.

He had advised Mahinda when he met him in 2006 on the sidelines of UN General Assembly Sessions that year, not to trust terrorists under any circumstance and destroy them employing whatever means available to him. He did that successfully as advised by Bush to find him entangled in a controversial international human rights violation conflict with America and the Western powers. Spectre of war crimes relentlessly pursuing him, he met with Bush to complain to him about Obama administration's incessant attempt to bring human rights violation charges against him. Thereby he was trying to get Bush's assistance to elicit Republican Party support in his hour of distress. But by this time Bush himself was under threat from accusers of war crimes against him who had charged him at a Swiss Court on that count. Due to extreme risk of being charged for violation of human rights in a Court of law in another country, Bush had heavily restricted his foreign travels. Mahinda fearing the same fate befalling him could have sought Bush's advice as to how to face the threat. On this trip Mahinda also met Robert Blake, the then Assistant Secretary of State in charge of South Asia.

At the time Mahinda visited America on that occasion there were vociferous demands from human rights organisations in America to launch a war crime probe against him. Registering their disapproval of allowing Mahinda to visit America on that occasion Amnesty international issued the following media release:

Investigate

"Washington DC - The United States should investigate Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa, who arrives on a surprise visit to the United States today, for his alleged role in perpetrating torture and war crimes, Amnesty International said today.

Rajapaksa reportedly left Sri Lanka early Wednesday morning with a delegation of 20 bound for the United States.
"The United States has an obligation under international law to investigate and prosecute people who perpetrated war crimes and grave human rights violations such as extrajudicial executions, torture and enforced disappearances," said Sam Zarifi, Amnesty International's Asia-Pacific Director.

Rajapaksa is Commander-in-Chief of Sri Lanka's armed forces, which face numerous allegations of engaging in war crimes, enforced disappearances, and torture. Under international law, military commanders may face criminal responsibility if they knew, or should have known, of such crimes being committed by their subordinates.

The President's visit comes as a Panel of Experts appointed by United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon works on a report advising him on accountability issues in Sri Lanka. Both Sri Lankan Government forces and members of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) are accused of having committed war crimes in the final phase of the decades-long conflict.

Amnesty International has called for the United Nations to initiate an international investigation.

Accountability

"Thousands of victims in Sri Lanka demand accountability for the abuses they've suffered from the Sri Lankan security forces as well as armed groups such as the LTTE," Zarifi said.

In December Wikileaks exposed a secret United States Embassy cable sent by Ambassador Patricia Butenis from Colombo in which she noted the difficulty of bringing perpetrators of alleged crimes to justice when "responsibility for many of the alleged crimes rests with the country's senior civilian and military leadership, including President Rajapaksa and his brothers...

The United States should further investigate these allegations and support calls for an international investigation on Sri Lanka's role in war crimes."

Mahinda's current visit to America comes close on the heels of submission of a legal report to the Congress by Law Professor Ryan Goodman, proposing institution of War Crime Charges against Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa as he is an American citizen. He presented this report to the Congress in August this year. Just after tabling of this report in the Congress, International Export Credit Agencies issued media reports indicating that they would in their future dealings with Sri Lanka include sanction clauses in their agreements. Next, there was the news that global insurance giant American International Group (AIG) had informed Sri Lanka that they would wind up their operations here. Latest media reports carry news of another development against the government that the US Justice Department is contemplating legal action against Sachin Vaas Gunewardena Monitoring MP who had hired a number of PR firms to shore up government's image in America. Later, shortcomings have been pinpointed in the relevant agreements.

Multitude of problems

Mahinda's current trip to Houston came at a time when there were a multitude of problems facing him and his government. On the personal front his Brother Dudley Rajapaksa's American citizenship could also come under threat if America acts against his brother's government and also against the other brother, the Defence Secretary. There is a strong possibility that Mahinda's brother could have taken him there to find some ways and means of patching up with the US Government, their soured relations. In 2011 also on a personal visit, as reported by the governmentm he had met with Bush which was revealed to the media only later.

According to the Government Media, America is on the same danger level to Mahinda as Kilinochchi was to him when Prabhakaran ruled the roost there. It is insane to think that Mahinda would take such a hefty risk just for nothing in return. Astrologers, some say, have advised him to be out of the country to bypass a bad time, though it cannot be confirmed.What is certain in this scenario is that the truth of Mahinda's sudden Houston trip will come out in the open before long.

Old Colombo, ‘Race and Class’ through the Eyes of Some Australian Women

| by Laksiri Fernando

( August 28, 2014, Sydney, Sri Lanka Guardian) Angela Woollacott wrote about “Australian Women’s Voyage Home” during the colonial period to the American Historical Review (AHR) in 1997. What she meant by ‘voyage home’ was Australian women going to England with some nostalgia. On their way to the West from Sydney, Melbourne or Perth, they encountered the East. This was before air travel became popular or cheap. As a result, they had to stop over mostly Colombo before they touched on Cape Town or Aden, depending on the route, but after the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, the latter route was most convenient and popular. The universal mode of transportation was steamship. Australian commercial air travel to in England first started in 1934.

In her essay, Woollacott’s concern was “not with what Australian women did when they arrived but with what they made of what they saw on the way there.” In my case, I am abstracting what is importantly recorded (not all) on old Colombo and Ceylon. They were all ‘forced tourists’ on their way to London. The route and the time they spent at various places were fixed. In Colombo, usually it was three to four days. Apart from Woollacott’s accounts, there are other records to ascertain the impressions of those who travelled via Colombo.

Other Travellers

Let me first quote from another source where Veronica Norton gave her impressions about this country and the city. I am quoting from Faithe Jones, Grave Secrets Net, 2013. She was a Sister Nurse not going to London but to Bombay for British Indian Service. She arrived in Colombo on 10 September 1916 and wrote to her mother saying “I would like to be able to describe this beautiful place to you, but it is really all too wonderful. Coming into port the place looks beautiful, after not having seen land for ten days.” She further said that after seeing “all the palms and wonderful tropical vegetation in the distance made us think we were in fairyland.” She was not only expressing her impression but of many of her companions in the plural.

She had many good things to say about the Grand Oriental Hotel (GOH) where she was staying, and the Galle Face Hotel where they went to dine mostly. But her account of travel to and in Kandy perhaps was the most revealing. It is both of good things and bad ones. Unfortunately, the bad things are about the people. As Woollacott rightly argued, the perceptions of the travellers of the natives were often mediated by their own perceptions of class or race (AHR, p. 1012).

“Yesterday morning we caught the train to Kandy at 7.30. It is right up in the hills, and really cool. We arrived there at 11.30, Gladys Bennett, Moroney and self were together. We went all round Kandy in a car that was lent to us: so the cost of this trip was nil. The palm groves and drives we went along made us think we were in Heaven. Rice fields in all their different stages, with bungalows dotted here and there on one side, and on the other great gullies of palms of all descriptions and the red soil and different colours the natives wear around them all add to the picture. The natives are fearful cheats, and would fleece us if they could. Only wish you were with me. We feel like tourists, and will find it hard to settle down to work again.” (My emphasis).

A year ago, Anne Donnell, also a sister nurse, gave a similar impression of the “the native boys calling out Money, Money, Money, mixed with a lot of jabber of their own” even before they got on the shore. This time I am quoting from NSW Mitchell Library website. Perhaps the boys were trying to sell some victuals or souvenirs coming around the ferry in small boats. The date was 1 June 1915. It should ring a bell for history or political science students. She noted in her diary, “With the expectation of reaching Colombo in the small hours of the morning everyone seems more cheerful than usual and making plans for how they are going to spend the day.” But the opportunities were not that delightful. 

“All the natives seemed very excited over something and we soon learned what it was - Riots in the town between the Mohommadons and Buddists over religion. Over 300 had been killed and many wounded. We were told it was unsafe to go out of the Town and soon had orders from Colonel not to. That was rather a disappointment as several wanted to go to Kandy, Mt Lavinia and other beauty spots – anyway all soon fell to and made the most of things. Everything was so interesting, how those natives beat anything I ever struck for sharpness.” (My emphasis).

She noted, “There was the many oriental shops to see - the rickshaw rides down to the Cinnamon Gardens, back to the Galle Face Hotel for dinner – another rickshaw ride by the seaside – afternoon tea - a little more shopping when we found things greatly reduced – then back on board by 6pm.”

She further noted ‘no one was allowed in the streets after 6pm.’ It was Marshal Law. “We saw several shops that had been battered to pieces. Several were closed and trade generally at a standstill. Our people all suffering in consequence as having an overfull ward boat some supplies had run out especially in the soft drink line – Now we have to wait for Bombay.”

Ms. Donnell also noted that by the time there had been several other ships that had come from several other places. Colombo Port was a busy place at that time as some used to call it the ‘Clapham Junction.’ There were numerous passengers. She was surprised: “where they are all stowed is a mystery.” She noted there were a number of ‘Japanese boys going home’ after becoming doctors in the West. “We seem to have every nationality on board ‘barring Germans,” she added. When they were about to go, there was even a ‘Refugee’ hiding in the ship. But alas!

“The little stowaway was handed over to the Colombo police.”

Intellectual Women

The women that Woollacott selected for her analysis were fundamentally different to those I have recounted before. They were well educated, intellectual and partly feminist activists. They knew where they were setting off in the mid-way of their journey to London, particularly Colombo or Durban. Their interpretations were more sophisticated than those nurses. For example, the well-travelled feminist activist Bessie Rischbieth was one such person who set foot in Colombo in April 1913. Her routine was different to many others who usually went to tourist spots or bazars. She said,

“At Colombo I put in a quiet day. Went to the Galle Face Hotel for a room for the day, and then went and called on Mrs. Higgins of the [Theosophical Society] Centre and stayed to 'tiffin' with them.”

This must be Marie Musaeus Higgins who was the Principal of the Musaeus College in Colombo at that time. In fact there was a Melbourne woman before, Kate F. Pickett, the daughter of Mrs. Elise Pickett, President of the Melbourne Theosophical Society. Rischbieth knew about Theosophical Society beforehand and was interested in it. She knew that theosophists were countering imperial Christian evangelizing in Ceylon. She was particularly interested in this Buddhist girls’ school that ran by the Society in Colombo and visited the place. She said “It was so interesting going over the school again [with] dear little Buddhist girls. I had quite a lovely time with [them].”

Another such enlightened visitor was Stella Bowen who set onshore early 1914. She was sailing from Adelaide to London to study Art. In her later recollections she gave impressions about poverty in Colombo. Perhaps those were her first impressions but she related them to the culpability of the Empire or colonialism only later. Her memoirs were written probably in late 1930s. However what she said was significant.

“I saw the unimaginable squalor of the native quarter, the crawling heaps of brown limbs, the begging babies, the sickness. I admired the skill, industry and soft-voiced charm of the Hindu tailor who offered to copy your favourite suit in twenty-four hours for a pittance. All this is the Empire, I told myself, and no criticism of it entered into my mind. Not then.”

By the turn of the century, I mean the 20th century, Colombo had become a well-known tourist site in the Empire. The GOH, the Galle Face and Mt. Lavinia Hotel were well known among the travellers. As Louise Mack had noted “Everybody does the same thing. At Mount Lavinia, we meet our ship’s people in hundreds.” Winifred James (a feminist) who travelled from Melbourne to London via Colombo in 1905 gives vivid accounts in a fictionalized manner in her book Bachelor Betty. One account that Woollacott has quoted is a description of different people from different nationalities or countries that ‘Betty’ had met at the Galle Face Hotel at dinner. Similar or more stimulating accounts are available elsewhere. Here is a description of both the GOH and the Galle Face Hotel from Sister Norton whom I introduced before who went to Kandy and blamed the natives. She was writing to her mother.

“Well, this place surpasses all my expectations and I would not like to have missed it for worlds, as far as we have gone now. We are staying at this hotel [GOH], and Sister Bennett and have a beautiful room, with a tiled bathroom just off it. We will be suffering from swollen heads when we return. We arrived here just in time for dinner on Wednesday night. It was a beautiful sight to see the dining-Hall, which is of white marble, and has standing electric lights with pale pink shades and candelabra all around, and the string band was playing most beautifully. Four of us had dinner as the guests of two lady passengers by the boat, after which we all went out in rickshaws: and the drive was great.

We had supper at the Galle Face Hotel (one of the best hotels in the world, they say), and is situated right on the beach. It was just a mass of light, and we had supper on the lawn, and then left for home. The palms growing all around the lawn were so lovely, and it was moonlight to add to the charm. I'll never forget my first night in the East. All I was wishing for was you to be with me to see it all: it is so hard to describe.”

Rickshaw Rides

Rickshaw rides were a main attraction for the visiting Australian women in Colombo. Different women related their experiences differently depending on their social outlooks or values. For a person like Stella Bowen it was reprehensible, but there was no other alternative. She said, “I felt apologetic to the slim brown creature who paddled along between the shafts.” However this was not the case for Louise Mack. She said,

“The first ride in a rickshaw is a tremendous sensation. You feel like a queen. You own the whole world. You have a man-a flesh-and-blood man-running in harness between the shafts of your tall, black perambulator with two big wheels, and a hood that goes up and down. Off he tears. His rate is desperately swift. He is so thin that you fear he will break in pieces, that you will be arrested for cruelty to dumb animals.”

She felt like a queen! She narrated her almost savage experience in An Australian Girl (London, 1901) which became criticised by many for its inhuman and racist attitudes on the natives and the colonized.

Cinnamon Gardens those days were a popular tourist destination for rickshaw travel by men and women, but mostly women. Many have reported the experience as sensual. Winifred James in her novel that I mentioned before in fact narrated the experience of ‘Betty’ and her friend in this respect as follows. It was almost a sexual attraction to a ‘rickshaw boy,’ transcending ‘race and class’ or perhaps mixed with them.

“Then all at once the air becomes heavy and sweet with spicy odours. The sweating coolies stop and carefully lower the rickshaw shafts to the ground. They walk away to the bushes, and plucking some branches bring them to us and thrust them into our hands, bruising the leaves as they offer them. We are in the cinnamon gardens. And as the thieving, lying rickshaw boy, with only a short life before him by reason of his profession, pushes his bruised flowers into my hands and says softly, "Laydee, you take," a sudden savage longing for love and beauty comes over me, a glimpse of power and freedom, a desire for completion. And it is all in the magic of that wonderful voice that is half-lover, half-slave, and wholly- entreating child.”

Race and Class

There were different views and attitudes from those women who visited Colombo from Australia on their ‘way home’ to London those days. Woollacott said “By drawing especially on the accounts of two Australian feminists, Winifred James and Vida Goldstein, I have attempted to explore how even women who condemned some aspects of colonialism still acceded to its privileges and the privileges of whiteness.” For example, Vida Goldstein said in 1911, “I left Colombo believing more firmly than ever in the wisdom of a White Australia.” What she proposed was a kind of distance or Apartheid within the Empire.

However, there were those who were willing to accept at least the educated or the upper classes of the natives as equal. There was an interesting revelation later on. The journalist author of “My Dream Trip Comes True” (Everylady’s Journal, 1931) recounted that when her ship left Colombo (the year is not clear), her fellow passengers included “a few Cingalese, young men for the most part, going home to complete their education at one of the Universities.” Among these men could have been some of the later day Left leaders. This is my speculation! However the important point here is that this feminist author was willing to accept them as equals at least in the sense to say that they were also ‘going home’ to England to pursue their university studies. Not only were these Sinhalese men, but there were few other educated Indians in the ship. Relating an interesting conversation on ‘race and colour’ with one of them, she also said the following with which I may conclude this article.

“It is interesting to learn that the educated Indian considers his colour due to climatic conditions. This point had never struck me before, until I spoke to two or three men, whom I thought were half-caste as they were so brown. I was amazed to find they were English, going home after five or six years on the sugar plantations; so possibly there might be something to this theory after all.”

All these were just few years before, the most popular Australian in Sri Lanka, Mark Anthony Lester Bracegirdle, opted to fight on behalf of the ‘half-castes’ in the country, after being a planter briefly.



James Foley Murder, The British And Biafran Story

| by Osita Ebiem writes from NYC

( August 28, 2014, New York City, Sri Lanka Guardian) The recent inhuman murder of the American journalist James Foley by the Islamic terrorists in the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, ISIL (they are also called ISIS, Islamic State of Iraq and Syria) is just too revulsive to all human sensibilities. It is altogether bestial and condemnable. Such acts should never have been contemplated by real human beings anywhere in the world in the name of whatever religion or other convictions.

Foley’s murder reaches a frightening height in this mounting wave of horrific acts of unbelievable violence by the Islamic fundamentalists. Of course that is the original intention of those engaged in these beastly acts – to terrify, terrorize and frighten other people into doing their bidding and abiding by the dictates of their delusions. But the world community must not be cowed. In this 21st century world the people must find a way to balance faith and reason.

This single murder meets all the accepted definition of the odious and internationally prohibited crime of genocide and crime against humanity. It is one murder that is too many and should not be allowed to go unpunished. All decent human beings everywhere should see Foley as their collective responsibility and make sure that all those involved in the murder are punished to the fullest extent of the law.

One reason why the world community should collectively seek to get justice in Foley’s death is for the sake of restoring faith in our common humanity, in the universal moral standards and our belief in the sanctity of human life, no matter whose. This world belongs to all things in it equally and we should for good reasons accept to accommodate each other’s unique differences, opinions and mental/spiritual inclinations. No one has the right to force on others, against the others’ will, the purported will and mandates of their concept of the divine.

From the speech accent of Foley’s killer in the gory video it was clear that he is British which makes it particularly more painful and embarrassing for the British people and their government.

It is for this reason that the British Foreign Secretary Philip Hammond called this brutal murder; "an utter betrayal of our country, our values and everything the British people stand for."

Hammond goes further to write that "It is horrifying to think that the perpetrator of this heinous act could have been brought up in Britain."

Hammond’s statement captures the general mood and feelings of most people around the world about this act of wickedness. It does not just betray and embarrass the country of Britain; it betrays and embarrasses our common humanity. It is this betrayal that should compel all people everywhere to work hard in concert with others to stop this Islamic madness. And as the world struggles to deal with this murder it should not be treated in isolation. The same embarrassing Islamic jihadist murders taking place in the Middle East are also going on in many other places around the world; on British soil and in Nigeria.

Increasingly the world is witnessing an uncomfortable surge in the involvement of some British and American citizens in this monstrous global scourge of Islamic terror around the world. The jihadists are on a deluded quest to establish a global Islamic caliphate and believe they can achieve this by beheading the innocent, including children and women, and terrorizing and frightening everyone into submission.

The world cannot afford to be too quick to forget the fact that the two Nigerian men who are also British citizens; Michael Adebolajo and Michael Adebowale only recently in May, 2013 killed a serving British soldier Lee Rigby on a street of London in the broad daylight.

Adebolajo and Adebowale the Nigerian Islamic terrorists also killed Rigby in a similar gory manner with meat cleaver and knife as Foley’s killer, but this time the heinous crime took place on British soil. And also as Foley’s killer claimed, in the name of the Islamic jihad.

Though the incidents happened in different places and at different times, yet they are fundamentally linked with each other. And for this reason it may be wise to look at them in a sort of holistic light with the view of devising comprehensive solutions that are radically different from what are obtainable right now.

Currently, it seems that the two solutions-that-fix-all for most of the policy makers in countries like Britain and the United States are going for regime change and stubbornly fighting to preserve the old unworkable social and national boundary maps in these troubled spots like in the Biafra and Boko Haram of Nigeria and the ISIL, Kurds and Yazidis of Iraq.

For several decades now these two “solutions” seem to be the aces or trump cards being tossed around by the political gladiators in these powerful countries but they seem to have stopped being effective in solving the crises in these hot spots around the world. And it is this seemingly insensitivity on the side of the decision makers in these countries that probably worry and embarrass more some of the close watchers of these outdated political maneuverings. It is this worry that is convincing the observers the more in their opinion that there is now need for some radically different approach to this problem.

This radically different approach as recommended by the close analysts of the events is the redrawing of the maps of these troubled places.

If we are seeking for real solution to this problem then we must be willing to try different approaches. Redrawing of the map of Nigeria along the old Biafran lines and more, and the Kurdish and Yazidish lines in Iraq will be the real and lasting solution to the jihadist scourge of Boko Haram and ISIL.

Boko Haram and all its attendant problems of today would have been avoided if Britain of Harold Wilson had been forward looking in its policies and allowed Biafra to separate from Nigeria when it was forced out by the same Islamic jihad in the nineteen sixties. The same argument can be used about the Kurds, the Yazidis and ISIL in Iraq.

Biafra of 1967 to 1970 stands for Self Determination, Independence and Multi-state Solution. Biafra offered the solution that can still be applied to solve Boko Haram of Nigeria, to the Kurds and Yazidis in Iraq, Ivory Coast crisis, and South of Cameroun agitation and in a few other places.

The remapping of these places will reduce the unnecessary social, cultural, religious and political frictions in these insensitive-border-induced conflict flashpoints.

The nineteen sixties Biafran solution of self-determination, independence and multi-state solution for peoples with similarities of aspirations and world views to stay separate from those who are radically opposed to their views and values continues to echo down the years and generations. And we can only continue to ignore it to our collective human pain such as witnessed in Foley and Rigby.

Biafrans were murdered in the same sordid way that James Foley and Lee Rigby were murdered and for the same reason. Only that in the case of Biafrans they were killed in multiple thousands and later in millions by the same Islamic fundamentalists. The other major difference in the Biafran case is that some British politicians and the British government of Prime Minister Harold Wilson supported and fought alongside the Islamic terrorists of the Nigerian state to further humiliate and completely destroy the already traumatized and victimized Biafrans. But this time Britain must not repeat the same mistake of Biafra.

Biafrans fought a war of Self Determination and independence; to free themselves and land once and for all from the oppressive Islamic state of a united Nigeria. But the Britain of Harold Wilson would rather side with the Islamic state of Nigeria to defeat the democratic state of Biafra. Today, after nearly fifty years, that British decision of the sixties is directly responsible in birthing the deadly and monstrous Islamic group, Boko Haram of Nigeria and contributed substantially in sowing the seed that caused the murders of Foley and Rigby.

The genocide in Biafra would not have happened if Britain had decided differently in Biafra and in the same vein the world must be spared anymore horrors of Foley and Rigby. Let the British and the US governments consciously choose to recognize the dangers of Islamic extremism and decide to take actions that are radically different from the current ones being applied.

What it all comes down to is that to defeat this scourge the collective will of the world community must be strengthened through the avoidance of doublespeak and political correctness. The leaders in the world community must choose to tackle these troubled spots one at a time and with the resolve to applying real and lasting solutions to each and every one of them.

In Nigeria particularly, to defeat the Boko Haram jihadists the permanent solution is to divide the country along the existing ethnic/religious lines and this will weaken the Islamists there and initiate the process of establishing a lasting peace, social security and eliminating the seemingly endemic political corruption, instability and poverty.

Osita Ebiem is an advocate for the division of Nigeria and the author of the book “Nigeria, Biafra and Boko Haram: Ending the Genocides through Multistate Solution.”