“Stop This Circus” Says The Clown

by H. L. D. Mahindapala

(June 27, Melbourne, Sri Lanka Guardian) Shot to pieces by the multi-barreled fire targeting him from left, right and centre, Ranil Wickremesinghe has written a lengthy rigmarole in the Sunday Times (20/6/2010) titled, “Stop this circus: Fight the Rajapaksa dictatorship”. .

In the main, the “guest column” written under his name – obviously he has to do it all by himself probably because he can’t even find a worthy name to defend him these days — is a devious attempt to deflect attention from his one-man rule to the non-issue of raising a non-existent UNP army to “fight the Rajapaksa dictatorship”. This confirms that he is blind as ever even to the grim realities cutting the ground under his feet: the UNPers are ganging up not to fight “the Rajapaksa dictatorship”, as he calls it, but to fight the Wickremesinghe dictatorship. He thinks that by diverting the focus away from him he can survive another day. His column reveals more the bankruptcy of a desperate loser than a leader with a vision to save his own skin, let alone the UNP or the nation.

The crisis in the UNP has reached a climax because Wickremesinghe is resisting the grass root movement gathering momentum within the rank and file to democratize the party by reforming the rules to let the “elective principle” govern the election of a new leadership. If Wickremesinghe is for “the elective principle” – he says he is for it in his column — then he should step down and ask his members to elect a leader of their choice. Why is he so afraid of “the elective principle”? Simple: he doesn’t have a ghost of a chance of surviving beyond tomorrow if he accepts “the elective principle”. He knows that right now the UNPers are focused only on overthrowing his dictatorship. This is what has prompted him to write something in his own defence to avoid facing an election.

Unable to face the rising challenge he is trying to divert attention to “the Mahinda Rajapaksa dictatorship” – a “dictatorship” (?) elected by the people unlike his position in the UNP which is yet to be opened up for election. At least “the Mahinda Rajapakse dictatorship” won a popular mandate from the people only the other day. But when did Wickremesinghe last get a mandate from his members? He has been sitting the leadership chair there for the last sixteen years by craftily changing the rules of the UNP constitution for him to remain in power until Barney Raymond packs him inside a coffin.

Does his tinkering with the UNP constitution give him any legitimacy to rule the party? Isn’t the periodic renewal of a mandate from his constituency a fundamental democratic principle to claim any legitimacy for ruling a democratic party? He is the last person who can point a finger at “the Rajapakse dictatorship” because he has no legitimacy to sit on the UNP throne. So his battle cry to overthrow “the Rajapaksa dictatorship” is a red herring which is not going to take him anywhere except into a deepening crisis which will drag the UNP into total oblivion.

The UNP has reached a critical stage as never before. In the past dissenters who opposed him left the party allowing him to rule the roost. This time he is facing a formidable opponent, Sajith Premadasa, who is determined to take him on and challenge his failed leadership. If by any chance Wickremesinghe manages to fend off the challenge this time then the UNP is in for a period of instability because the battle lines are drawn clearly on ideological and political grounds. Wickremesinghe, as usual, will try to play one against the other and plant stories in the media and among his inner circle from .Royal against Sajith.

But Sajith is now a seasoned leader who has waited patiently on the side lines watching “the circus” led by Wickremesinghe going nowhere, not even beyond Cambridge Place. Sajith, however, has proved his mettle in Hambantota – the heartland of the Rajapakses. Which UNPer has notched up such a record to their credit? His victory in Hambantota testifies not only to his organizing skills but also to his ability to win the hearts and minds of the people at the grass root level. What the UNP needs right now is a leader with organizing skills to win the hearts and minds of the people – something which Wickremesinghe can never achieve. So, looking at the current plight of the UNP from every angle, there is no rationale for the UNPers to hang on to a born loser when they have a born winner in their ranks.

Let alone leading a party, the plain fact is that he cannot even think straight to argue his own case. Of course, everyone knows that he not a straight guy. Take for instance the way he argues his case in his column in the Sunday Times. It certainly does not make him look like a lawyer who had passed out from a reputable law college. It looks more as if he has passed out from Batalanda school of law. A pettifogging proctor of the days gone by could have argued the case better. For instance, he says, after admitting that he is for “the elective principle”, that this principle is unacceptable because in an indeterminate election result the courts can intervene to appoint a leader.

If this is his defence against “the elective principle” then he should be sacked forthwith by the UNP for his crass stupidity. Doesn’t he know that all elections are subject to legal challenges? Even in the case of outright political victories anyone has the right to challenge it in courts and get a verdict that runs counter to declared results.

Court records reveal of numerous cases where election results have been challenged and the judges have ordered re-elections or nominated the losers as winners. A good example is that of the Supreme Court of America which finally decided the outcome of the George Bush’s last presidential election? So Wickremesinghe’s argument that elections can lead to legal challenges where the courts and can decide on who should be the leader, reflects his own insecurity and incapacity to think straight. How can he lead a party when he can’t argue his own case?
In presenting his own defence to save his skin he has revealed that he can hardly lift himself out of the dustbin into which he has fallen due to no fault of others. He is merely repeating the same old mantras without presenting an alternative vision to take the UNP in new and promising directions. As usual, his first and last formula is to appoint a committee.

It’s laughable when he says: “The next step should be to take the issues at stake to the people — both directly and through the media. This will enable them to obtain feedback about the mood of the country which in turn would help us to shape our policies. I have already asked the UNP’s Parliamentary Affairs Committee to set about this task”, (Emphasis mine).

Throughout his lazy and incompetent career he has operated on the mistaken belief that if he passes the buck to a committee it will (1) absolve him from blame and (2) solve the problem on its own without him even reading the committee report. Imagine appointing a committee to find the moods of the country? When he appoints a committee to find out what the country thinks he is in reality confessing that he still does not know what the country thinks for him to shape his policies. This explains why the party has gone back in time to the pre-historic days of the Jurassic Park.

Consider also his confession of the UNP’s failure to organize at grassroot level. He says: “The UNP has neglected its organisational capacity at grassroots and the potential to mobilise support as has been evident at provincial council elections and then at the general elections. “ It is common knowledge that it is the CEO or any organization that is held responsible for the success or failure of its performance. So if the “organizational capacity” of the UNP has been neglected who is responsible? Since he does not mention that he has appointed a committee for maintaining “organizational capacity” he alone should be held responsible for it.

As for his “organizational capacity”, his own confession reveals it all. He says: “The leader is elected by the National Executive Committee (NEC) of 2000 members. Currently, about 800 members have still to be appointed by the relevant organizations to the NEC.”. What kind of an organizer is he when he has not yet appointed 800 members to the NEC? How does he propose to run the NEC wit only 1,200 members? No wonder the UNP is in such chaos. But Wickremesinghe being Wickremesinghe he tries to pass the buck to the PR system.

This confirms clearly that Wickremesinghe has no answers to his own problems. How can he blame the PR system when it was conceived and implemented by the UNP as the best guarantee to remain in power? Wasn’t it introduced by the UNP, as a part of the UNP strategy, for the long-term survival of the UNP? This is like the incompetent dancer blaming the floor for his failure to perform. Besides, if Mahinda Rajapakse broke through the UNP’s PR fortress and won a near two-thirds majority, which was inconceivable at the time it was introduced because of the solid electoral base of the UNP, why did the UNP lose its almost impregnable bases in the north and the south?

His headline is spot on: the UNP circus must stop and it must begin with the Chief Clown in the party.

As a last resort, having no valid reason to explain the losses, he is now blaming the system. To add to his misery he makes a shocking statement: “Another challenge facing the UNP is the need to enhance the Sinhala vote, especially in the rural areas and devise an approach to woo the Buddhist voter.” From day one, I have been telling him that Bush, Jacques Chirac and John Howard, key figures of the International Democratic Union (IDU), have no votes in Sri Lanka. It is a Christian centre-right institution of the West pushing their agenda through the likes of Wickremesinghe and Ravi Karunanayake. Would he listen?

Rubbing shoulders with these neo-colonialists is far greater than being with the people at the grass root level. He feels that his greatest achievement is being the President of the Asian Branch of IDU. In his own cunning way he has co-opted Ravi Karunanayake, a Catholic, to be his side-kick at the IDU to impress them of the Christian credentials. Consequently, he is more focused on playing up to this Christian-oriented alien mob abroad than to the Sinhala-Buddhists at home. How can he win the votes of the Sinhala-Buddhist when he is aligned to the fundamentals of foreign Christian forces?

His alignment to IDU is one of the primary causes for him to adopt anti-national policies, including the denigration of the Security Forces. He has to report back to IDU and tell them that he is a good boy acting in their best interests. If he takes a positive line in favour of the nation he gets a negative reaction from the IDU which is anti-Sri Lanka. This explains the mystery behind Wickremesinghe ‘s anti-national policies.

The UNP cannot afford to be another branch of the IDU. It must decide whether it is going to serve the interests of the people at home or Wickremesinghe’s masters abroad. Either Wickremesinghe must give up the IDU or the UNP must give up Wickremesinghe. If he thinks that he has greater leverage in the West by being a partner in the IDU he has to think of countries like Greece which are in dire trouble, despite their direct connections with the leaders of the IDU. In fact, the IDU, which has its headquarters in Norway, will make use of the connection to put the screws on Wickremesinghe like the way they pushed him to sign the Ceasefire Agreement.

He is also startled by the new trend “of large-scale voter boycott and apathy at national elections. “ He adds: “This is a new and startling trend that we have to deal with at future elections.” By and large political commentators agreed that he was the main cause “of large-scale voter boycott and apathy at national elections.” To begin he was as inspiring as dish water going down the drain. He adopted the new technique of engaging his audience at public meetings with rhetorical questions to evoke responses. It was more like a born-again evangelical preacher talking to the converted to raise automatic “Alleluias” to boost the ego of the preacher than praising the cause of the Good Lord. But he was happy and carried away with his cheap trick while the crowd went home and stayed at home when the time came for voting because they knew that he was going to lose whether they voted or not.
Last but not the least, he has foreshadowed what is to come. All this reform talk is mere hogwash.

According to him the committee he has appointed “has already come to an agreement on maintaining the tradition of uncontested election of officials and it is formulating a mechanism to arrive at a consensus for this.” So far as he is concerned the UNP is there to endorse him as the unelected leader of the party. And continue forever and ever. Goodbye “the elective principle”! Farewell mandate from the members!. Go to hell any democratic principles of election!. His committee is very busy now “formulating a mechanism to arrive at a consensus” to keep him in power forever and a day.

How much time has the UNPers? Not much by the look of things. Obviously, the machinations of Wickremesinghe make the UNPers a threatened species on their way to extinction. The time is ripe for them to strike if they are bent on carving out a future. Wickremesinghe’s article is in reality a clear sign of his weakness.

He is using the Sunday Times to boost his claims to tighten his grip on the party some more and remain in power forever and day. If the UNPers fall for this trap this time then they too have no one else to blame except themselves. His headline is spot on: the UNP circus must stop and it must begin with the Chief Clown in the party.

As a last resort, having no valid reason to explain the losses, he is now blaming the system. To add to his misery he makes a shocking statement: “Another challenge facing the UNP is the need to enhance the Sinhala vote, especially in the rural areas and devise an approach to woo the Buddhist voter.” From day one, I have been telling him that Bush, Jacques Chirac and John Howard, key figures of the International Democratic Union (IDU), have no votes in Sri Lanka.

It is a Christian centre-right institution of the West pushing their agenda through the likes of Wickremesinghe and Ravi Karunanayake. Would he listen?

Rubbing shoulders with these neo-colonialists is far greater than being with the people at the grass root level. He feels that his greatest achievement is being the President of the Asian Branch of IDU. In his own cunning way he has co-opted Ravi Karunanayake, a Catholic, to be his side-kick at the IDU to impress them of the Christian credentials. Consequently, he is more focused on playing up to this Christian-oriented alien mob abroad than to the Sinhala-Buddhists at home. How can he win the votes of the Sinhala-Buddhist when he is aligned to the fundamentals of foreign Christian forces?

His alignment to IDU is one of the primary causes for him to adopt anti-national policies, including the denigration of the Security Forces. He has to report back to IDU and tell them that he is a good boy acting in their best interests. If he takes a positive line in favour of the nation he gets a negative reaction from the IDU which is anti-Sri Lanka. This explains the mystery behind Wickremesinghe ‘s anti-national policies.

The UNP cannot afford to be another branch of the IDU. It must decide whether it is going to serve the interests of the people at home or Wickremesinghe’s masters abroad. Either Wickremesinghe must give up the IDU or the UNP must give up Wickremesinghe. If he thinks that he has greater leverage in the West by being a partner in the IDU he has to think of countries like Greece which are in dire trouble, despite their direct connections with the leaders of the IDU. In fact, the IDU, which has its headquarters in Norway, will make use of the connection to put the screws on Wickremesinghe like the way they pushed him to sign the Ceasefire Agreement.

He is also startled by the new trend “of large-scale voter boycott and apathy at national elections. “ He adds: “This is a new and startling trend that we have to deal with at future elections.” By and large political commentators agreed that he was the main cause “of large-scale voter boycott and apathy at national elections.” To begin he was as inspiring as dish water going down the drain.

He adopted the new technique of engaging his audience at public meetings with rhetorical questions to evoke responses. It was more like a born-again evangelical preacher talking to the converted to raise automatic “Alleluias” to boost the ego of the preacher than praising the cause of the Good Lord. But he was happy and carried away with his cheap trick while the crowd went home and stayed at home when the time came for voting because they knew that he was going to lose whether they voted or not.

Last but not the least, he has foreshadowed what is to come. All this reform talk is mere hogwash.

According to him the committee he has appointed “has already come to an agreement on maintaining the tradition of uncontested election of officials and it is formulating a mechanism to arrive at a consensus for this.” So far as he is concerned the UNP is there to endorse him as the unelected leader of the party. And continue forever and ever. Goodbye “the elective principle”! Farewell mandate from the members!. Go to hell any democratic principles of election!. His committee is very busy now “formulating a mechanism to arrive at a consensus” to keep him in power forever and a day.

How much time has the UNPers? Not much by the look of things. Obviously, the machinations of Wickremesinghe make the UNPers a threatened species on their way to extinction. The time is ripe for them to strike if they are bent on carving out a future. Wickremesinghe’s article is in reality a clear sign of his weakness. He is using the Sunday Times to boost his claims to tighten his grip on the party some more and remain in power forever and day. If the UNPers fall for this trap this time then they too have no one else to blame except themselves.

Read more...

“Sunday Leader” Editor nails Fonseka as “a weak, vacillating, indecisive, inexperienced , ‘liar’ ”

“The moment the story hit the streets the public reaction predictably went wild. The government media and the Rajapaksas did not have to put a spin or orchestrate it, as stated by Fredrica. The public knew that they were betrayed by the man whom they thought was their hero who would never let them down.”
……………………………………

By H. L. D. Mahindapala

(January 04, Melbourne, Sri Lanka Guardian) Don’t believe a word of what the state media says about Sarath Fonseka, the Common Candidate of the Opposition. They are biased. Believe only what the Sunday Leader says about Sarath Fonseka. It can never be wrong about Fonseka because it is the only paper that has openly declared its commitment to back Fonseka.

The last statement by the Editor of The Sunday Leader, Fredrica Jansz on Fonseka is a case in point. It was, indeed, stunning, She told her readers last Sunday (January 3, 2010) that Fonseka, the preferred candidate of The Sunday Leader in the presidential election, is an “indecisive, inexperienced, weak, unpatriotic….. waffling, vacillating” General “incapable of telling the truth”. In other words she is calling the candidate supported by her paper as a liar who has “destroyed his credibility”.

No one can disagree with these confirmed unstable characteristics of Fonseka as it comes from The Sunday Leader, which cannot be accused of bias against him. She was, in the main, reacting to accusations made against her by Gen. Fonseka in the JVP’s Lanka-e-News (December 27, 2009). Quoting Fonseka, the JVP website said: “Gen. Fonseka making a special statement to the Lanka-E-News, said when he complained to the Sunday Leader following the erroneous report published on the 13th by it , the Sunday Leader Editor Fredrica Janz came to meet the General in a most distraught state and cried, claiming that Gotabaya was trying to arrest her. The General therefore relented, and as a gentleman he avoided taking a vicious stand against the Sunday Leader, and gave permission to make a correction duly in the newspaper clearing the confusion sparked by the false report.”

Lanka-e-News added: “Opposition common Presidential candidate Gen. Sarath Fonseka said, because the Sunday Leader Editor came and cried before me I did not want to take action at once against the Sunday Leader news report. Yet I am preparing to file legal action against the false propaganda in the news report aimed at misleading the country.”

The JVP version has to be taken seriously because it is the most active party backing Fonseka. The Sunday Leader is also the only paper that has declared publicly its commitment to back Fonseka. So two backers of Fonseka are at each others throats and the public has to decide who is telling the truth.

The evidence of Fredrica is more compelling than that of the JVP and Fonseka. In contradicting the Lank-e-News she has exposed Fonseka and the JVP as the Jathika Vihulu-karayan-gay (Jokers) Pakshya (Party). More importantly, she nails Fonseka as a liar. And she says so in so many words without saying so directly. On three counts she has proved Fonseka to be a brazen liar:1) She states that she did not cry and that she is not given to crying easily. 2) Fonseka has not filed legal action and the UNP has assured the Sunday Leader that he has no intention of doing so. And thirdly, that the Sunday Leader will not carry a retraction but as “a compromise” agreed to run his clarification, which she says has made matters worse for Fonseka.

“Her story..” on page 1 of last Sunday Leader (January 3rd) explains in detail of how she came to write about the accusations made by Gen. Fonseka against the Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapakse.(See The Sunday Leader, December 27th 209). The latest story (January 3rd ) in which she defends herself against accusations made by Fonseka and the JVP turned out to be as big as the initial story published on December 27th in which she reported accurately Fonseka’s accusations against Gotabaya.

Unfortunately, for Fredrica and Fonseka the story did not go in the direction they wanted. Both wanted to use it as an anti-Rajapaksa missile but it boomeranged on them. Besides, in writing her version of how the sensational story of Gen. Fonseka betraying his own men came to be written, she has unwittingly revealed the hidden agenda and hand of the Sunday Leader. The whole episode as narrated by her comes out as a joint plot of The Sunday Leader and Fonseka to attack the Rajapaksa brothers. The only redeeming feature in the story is that when the story ricocheted she refused to back down and give in to the henchmen of Fonseka – namely, Mangala Samaraweera, Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Vijitha Herath – who were pressuring her to retract the story.

However, as stated earlier, her latest story reveals that she and Fonseka were plotting to gain political mileage in the run up to the election by attacking Gotabaya without realizing that it would boomerang and hit them harder than the Rajapaksas, Both Fonseka and Fredrica saw it as a story that would explode in the political arena as an anti-Rajapaksa bomb. This is why Fredrica ran the story believing it to be a stick of anti-Rajapakse dynamite. However, she miscalculated her moves. After the decision of the Board of The Sunday Leader to back Fonseka it was foolish of Fredrica to run a story that would undermine their anti-Rajapakse campaign. She jumped on the story because she too, like Fonseka, thought that it was a good weapon to hammer Gotabaya, their bete noir. Both Jansz and Fonseka hate Gotabaya. Reading between the lines it can be gleaned that both thought it was the kind of story that would knock the Rajapaksas out, first by alienating the Tamil voters and, second, by alienating the international community of the West who are out to get the Rajapakse administration. What they failed to realize was that the story was a double-edged weapon that cut deep into the heart of the Fonseka’s campaign than that of the Rajapaksas.

The moment the story hit the streets the public reaction predictably went wild. The government media and the Rajapaksas did not have to put a spin or orchestrate it, as stated by Fredrica. The public knew that they were betrayed by the man whom they thought was their hero who would never let them down. The nation reacted instinctively with revulsion against the general who was making false accusations against his own army. It was a downright betrayal of the fundamental principles that makes a man an upright man. Fonseka not only shot himself in the foot but also plummeted overnight from the exalted status of a hero to a traitor. And, if Fredrica knew her onions – she ought to since she is bent on backing Fonseka all the way to January 26th, -- she should have not run that story and told Fonseka to keep his loose mouth shut. It is counter-productive for the politics of the The Sunday Leader to back Fonseka, on the on e hand, and then run stories that would damage his image and blast his credibility, on the other.

But the damage was done and then Fonseka went into reverse gear with his henchmen running to Fredrica to do some repair work. It was too late. Not even elephants can drag back what you have said, says a Sinhala maxim. Blinded by hate against the Rajapaksas who gave him the all the big breaks in his military career to rise to the status of a general he fell on his sword. The Rajapaksas will survive this attack and go on to new heights, no doubt. It is the Army that served the nation and the people who made enormous sacrifices that are going be the victims of Fonseka’s foul mouth.

Fredrica accuses the government of “orchestrating” the campaign against Fonseka. But the government didn’t have to do any orchestration at all. Fonseka was doing it for the government. First he made the accusation that the Tigers who came with white flags to surrender were killed on the illegal order of Gotabaya. Then he made his case worse by denying that such a thing happened and he was ready to take full responsibility for whatever happened under his command. Then he reneged on that statement again saying that he won’t take responsibility for what others had done. Then at Ratnapura he repeated the same accusations. He had within a space of a week taken four positions none of which is credible.

To quote Fredrica: “Fonseka’s garbled and gradual retraction destroyed his credibility… No one believed his half-hearted denials and his credibility suffered considerable damage.” This is her way of saying that Fonseka is an unreliable liar. However, neither Fonseka nor Fredrica expected the story to backfire the way it did. Their aim was to target the Rajapaksas and give a boost to to Fonseka’s image as “a true war hero”. She in fact says so. She said: ““The original article was written in part to demonstrate that Fonseka as a true war hero was not scared to confront the government’s bogeymen head-on. She adds revealing the motive behind Fonseka’s attack on Gotabaya. She added: “When Sarath Fonseka made this allegation I reacted as any journalist would. A presidential candidate and decorated war hero was accusing the incumbent President’s brother of ordering the death of unarmed surrendering LTTE leaders and their families.” See! Fonseka’s accusations were aimed at targeting “the incumbent President’s brother” and Fredrica’s aim was to demonstrate that Fonseka was “a true war hero” by targeting the Rajapaksas. But their plans went awry. “By backing down,” she wrote, “he proved himself to be incapable of tackling the Rajapaksas with the most powerful weapon at his disposal: the truth.” Here she calls him a liar again.

When the story she wrote to boost Fonseka backfired neither of them knew how to wipe the egg off their faces. In fact, when Fonseka faced the press when he came to extricate from his right royal mess he was nervous and hesitant. The government was having a field day. In fact, she admits that Fonseka fell into the trap of the government. Before the story backfired on her and Fonseka she was hoping that the public would focus on the accusation of the killings which Fonseka himself denied later. So Fredrica too was up the creek without a paddle. When the henchmen of Fonseka, Mangala Samaraweera and Anura Dissanayake went running to Fredrica, hoping to do some damage control, there was nothing she could do to save her favourite candidate except to “compromise” by running the “clarification” issued by Fonseka.

In the meantime, Fonseka was twisting and turning every which way, contradicting each statement he made, to get out of his predicament. Here’s a classic example of his immaturity and inability to handle a crisis. He said in his clarification: “I can speak conclusively and authoritatively on this particular issue and say categorically that nobody carrying white flags attempted surrender in those final days of the war. Therefore all of the LTTE leaders were killed as forces completely took over a remaining 100m x 100m area of land north of Vellamullivaikkal.” He added: “Two days after the war ended I learnt through some journalists who were entrenched at the time with the then Brigadier Shavendra Silva that an illegal order had been conveyed to General Shavendra Silva by Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa. This illegal order was however not carried out at ground level. I take full responsibility for what happened on the ground.”

The “clarification” instead of exonerating him makes him an incorrigible liar. If, as he says, nobody came forward carrying white flags in the final days of the war and if “the LTTE leaders were killed as forces completely took over the remaining 100 x 100 m” what crime could have been committed by Gotabaya, whether he gave the orders or not. Fonseka’s statement states that the “illegal order was however not carried out at ground level…” Clearly, according to him, nothing happened to make anything that happened in the last days a war crime. So if no war crime was committed, if no one came with white flags and if the Tiger leaders were killed in the course of the war, what is the point he is making on pure hearsay? And what is the big deal about him taking responsibility for things that did not happen? Besides, which Fonseka are we to believe? Are we to believe the Fonseka who made the original accusation? Or are we to believe the Fonseka who denied it? Or again are we to believe the Fonseka who repeated it again in Ratnapura and also stood by his accusations, as stated by Fredrica? Does Fonseka know his own mind? When he talks does he know what he is saying?

Fredrica states that the interview she had with Fonseka “was intended to both give the reading public a better idea of the General as a person and allow him to put forward his views regarding his campaign and major policy issues.” It must be said that she had a done a marvelous job of it by exposing her pet presidential podian as an “inexperienced, indecisive, waffling, vacillating” and self-destructing liar. Coming from The Sunday Leader who can contest it?

The contradictory statements, the extravagant promises he makes to all and sundry, the denials of his own statements, reveal the lack of honesty, integrity and character in Fonseka. His character weakness is not only a danger to Fonseka but also to the nation. So should the nation trust an “inexperienced, indecisive, vacillating, waffling, weak, unpatriotic” and untried political bungler who will not hesitate to betray his best friends, his comrades-in-arms and the nation at the drop of one of his frequent lies or escalating promises? Or should the nation stick with the Rajapaksas and give them another term to complete the unfinished war against the enemies of the nation who have changed their shape from Tigers to Elephants and Swans? Read more...

Mahindapala’s Ranil

By Helasingha Bandara

(December 25, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) During the last couple of years I have read HLD. Mahindapala in relation to the on going war. Mahindapala’s contribution to the efforts of Sri Lanka to defeat terrorism played a vital role and he deserves our gratitude and sincere thanks. My impression was that he was a patriot and a veteran journalist/writer. I had nothing but respect for his ability to counter LTTE propaganda in favour of Sri Lanka. However, at times, I have felt that in his ultra patriotism, maybe nationalism, there was no room for inter-racial integrated living. The recurrence of the Ranil theme in his writing also caught my eye.

At the time, I dismissed the idea that he had a personal vendetta with Ranil because I believed, and still do, that Ranil’s incompetence was the main cause for the LTTE to be that strong. The war is over but Mahindapala’s grinding of Ranil is far from over. He cuts, chops, grinds and remoulds Ranil as if Ranil is his own property. Mahindapala’s Ranil is not given to anyone else for any sort of treatment. This ownership of Ranil and the vicious treatment that he receives cannot be explained unless someone who knows the past would enlighten us. However, it is not uncommon in modern Sri Lanka that famous journalists have had political affiliations for perks. I hope Mahindapala would avoid falling into that category.

His great contribution to the elimination of the terrorist menace aside, I believe that Mahindapala has lost the plot this time because the presidential contest is between SF and MR, not between MR and RW. The demonising of Ranil would not have the desired effect on the election campaign. It felt like Mahindapala was bringing in Ranil frequently because he had nothing to throw at SF until Sarath Fonseka’s recent interview about the final stages of the war.

Ranil has the democratic right to support a candidate of his choosing. He has chosen SF. Sarath Fonseka should not be punished for Ranil’s sins for he had no authority over Ranil when he committed those sins. If Mahindapala propagates that a decision to vote for a certain candidate should be based on the activities of the people who support him/her, then Mahinda Rajapaksha should not get a single vote. He is surrounded by people like Pillayan and Karuna who are known murderers, and of course, Douglas Devananda and Mervin Silva who are alleged murderers. At the clicking of fingers these people can bump off any body. People should fear a candidate who has secured the support of such people. Pillayan has a hilarious side to his personality too.

“Militarized people lack Governing Ability- Pillayan

Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias Pillayan says Sarath Fonseka cannot make a successful political figure due to his lack of exposure in politics and extensive military trainings”

Look who is talking!

Then comes Mahinda’s own family who are known to have a dictatorial tendency that would be a threat to freedom of speech, thought or expression. Those who do not toe their line will be subjected to their wrath no matter how important the other person is. People should fear the family. The UPFA politicians who plunder national wealth come next. People should fear them for turning the country into a hell-hole in which the life of the ordinary citizen has become destitute. Finally, the pole-vaulters such as SB Dissanayaka, Johnston Fernando and the rest. Mahinda’s arms are open for any devious, unprincipled and corrupt rogue if he can bring a few voters with him. People should fear to elect a person who gets the support of people galore described above because without doubt, once elected, Mahinda Rajapaksha has no escape from granting their wishes.

Mahindapala became lucky when SF allegedly erred. Now he has got at least one bullet to fire at SF. I would believe SF has betrayed trust if he has said “Gothabaya gave orders to Shavendra Silva to shoot the people who came to surrender with white flags”, exactly in those words. Since SF has refuted the claim, it is for the Mahinda camp to come out with the recording of the interview and make it public knowledge. To be transparent, the government also should publish the so called UN letter that came consequential to the Sunday Leader story. Sadly, Mahindapala’s blackwashing of SF for one incident appears like an effort to whitewash MR for innumerable misdeeds.

True, Shavendra Silva has been a great commander for the SL army. The Sarath Fonseka incident would not affect the position, ability or the reputation of Shavendra Silva to the extent Mahindapala exaggerates in his article “SF fell upon on his own sword”. If SF falls on his own sword let us see who else emulates that. Rajapakshas have publicly admitted that they have given undue perks to SF and the rest. What are these perks? Property and money! Whose property and money are those? Public property and money! This means that the Rajapakshas treat public property and money as their own. The truth of the matter is that the Rajapakshas admit to have misappropriated public property and money in order to receive favours form the state employees and the rest who are willing to secure the Rajapaksha power base. This could not have been the case if Mahinda Rajapaksha has written 15 purchases to SF from his Werevila property. Most politicians in Sri Lanka are liars and thieves. Without exception they all fall on their own swords. I hope Mahindapala would not and remains a true journalist. Read more...

Fonseka and Ranil deserve each other

By H. L. D. Mahindapala

(December 23, Melbourne, Sri Lanka Guardian) Never in the annals of military warfare has an army commander led his forces successfully against the enemy and then turned around and fired indiscriminately on his own forces. But Sarath Fonseka, whose chest is overloaded with medals earned by the blood and sweat of his foot soldiers, will be remembered forever for doing just that. By accusing the forces of committing crimes they had never done, as stated by him, he has brought dishonour to himself, his army and the nation that stood by him all the way for him to claim the glory of victory which, according to him, was all due to him.

Army commanders are revered and honoured for being with his forces in times of war and peace. After the war they do not accuse their forces (falsely, if his denials are to be believed) of violating the basic norms of warfare. How can he now aspire to be the Commander-in-Chief of the forces when he is facing charges of falsely accusing his soldiers? His joining the enemies of the people whom he fought so bitterly at the height of the war is bad enough. But falsely accusing the soldiers who fought for him is unforgivable.

In one single act of running down his armed force he has wiped out all the glory that he acquired ever since Gotabaya Rajapakse put his weight behind him and got his brother, the President, to get him appointed as the Army Commander. There were many rivals in the field who were aiming to get that post. One of them was Janaka Perera who was brought down by Ranil Wickremesinghe to target Fonseka who was his junior in Jaffna. Ranil’s idea was to use the reputation of Janaka Perera, another war hero, to denigrate Fonseka.

They were bitter enemies. Janaka used to bad-mouth Fonseka as a man who never won a battle. He was most critical of Fonseka for carrying out an operation in Jaffna when Janaka had come down to Colombo for a brief spell. It was an ill-timed, and poorly organized operation conducted to gain kudos for Fonseka who was aiming to prove that he was a better commander than Janaka. It was one of the biggest fiascos in Jaffna. Janaka blasted Fonseka for carrying out an operation without consulting the high command.

Janaka came home (in Melbourne) to mend fences with me after he started attacking Fonseka. This was a couple of weeks before he joined the UNP campaign in the Central Province. He was very critical of Fonseka saying that he is not conducting the war efficiently with minimum losses and casualties. He was also critical that Fonseka was not cutting short the war with effective strategies. He said that dragging the war without an end in sight was causing battle fatigue, leading to loss of morale among the troops.

I told Janaka that if he was in Churchill’s army and if he carped on issues like what he told me he would have been cashiered within twenty four hours. Noticing a streak of jealousy and pique, I defended Fonseka, and told him that it was the duty of generals to keep up the morale as some wars can drag on for years. Knowing Fonseka and his performances in the Killali and other operations I had faith in him at that time and I felt in my bones that he could deliver the goods which he did.

During our conversation I reminded Janaka of how the Tigers got Lt. Col. Lucky Algama after he joined Ranil Wickremesinghe. I told him that those who joined Wickremesinghe ended up like those who joined Prabhakaran: in total disaster. Janaka dismissed it and smiled, brimming with his usual confidence. Before he left he turned back, half way down the verandah leading to the steps, and told me: “Don’t hit us, Mahinda!” Tragically, that was the last I saw of my friend Janaka.

Now Fonseka has joined Wickremesinghe and he is not faring any better. Fortunately, for him the Tigers are not there to target him once again. But my gut feeling is that the people will at the polls. Even the way the voting blocs are falling like dice indicate that he will have to carry his dying swan (his symbol) with him on January 26 as a consolation and go home listening to the last song. Ranil Wickremesinghe would have had a better chance of winning if he hitched his wagon to a lead balloon.

In the early stages Fonseka won waves of sympathy when the Tiger suicide bomber tried to get him. He was a battle-hardened soldier and his courage was as great as his ego. But it is his ego that finally brought him down. His ego was such that he refused to recognize the prime source of his power and success. It came essentially from his rapport with Gotabaya who lifted him up from oblivion and stood up for him after he helped to install him as the Army Commander.

Gotabaya not only covered his back all the way to Nanthi Kadal but was with him to give him all what was needed, especially military hardware and foot soldiers, to forge ahead in the battlefield. On one occasion when Fonseka’s Army was halted by the Tigers in Muhammalai with heavy casualties amounting to a loss of nearly 200 soldiers, even Ministers were going behind Gotabaya’s back and informing the President that war is not the way out and Fonseka can’t do the job. They told the President to stop the war and negotiate.

A dejected President was having serious doubts about the progress of the war and Fonseka’s capabilities and strategies. He summoned and questioned his Defence Secretary and it was the assurances given by Gotabaya that kept the war going to the end. He told the Commander-in-chief that Muhammalai was only one battle and not the end of the war. He added that the morale was high and that the soldiers were capable of defeating the Tiger who were on the run.

Of course, all three were indispensable links in the chain of command that won the war. Without the two links above him – the President and Defence Secretary – Fonseka could not have gone anywhere, either in his career or war front. Together they were the miracle-makers. Fonseka alone would have been a disaster as seen in his performance as a presidential candidate. His reputation and stature has taken a severe beating and – make no mistake -- this is only the beginning because the ripples of his vindictive politics to get Gotabaya, his comrade-in-arms who gave him everything, are not going to end in a hurry. This will haunt him for the rest of his life.

And the enemies of the nation, both at home and abroad, are having field day with the consequences of his self-centered, vindictive politics. The result is there for everyone to see: the ominous letter of Philip Alston, United Nations Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary and arbitrary execution, addressed to President Mahinda Rajapakse.

At least now, after reading Alston’s letter, Fonseka should realize the damage he has done to the image of the professional Army that braved all obstacles and marched all the way from Mavil Aru to Mullativu, led on the ground by brilliant field commanders like Maj-Gen. Shavendra Silva. Fonseka’s contribution to winning the war cannot be underestimated but his failure to consolidate the victories and honour his men and women will disgrace him forever. He is like the man who brings home a clean pale of milk and then drops a handful of cow dung into it.

Where’s the glory in that, eh?

However, as events unfold it is becoming increasingly clear that Fonseka and Wickremesinghe deserve each other. Both are clinging to each other and performing like “kahi gaani” (woman with the cough) and “hotu gaani” (woman with the snut). There isn’t much of a choice between the two.

Wickremesinghe hurriedly and desperately recruited Fonseka into his defeated army hoping to cash in on his reputation as a hero and a patriot. But Fonseka has lost both within a matter of days. He has lost the glamour of being a hero after he falsely accused his own men of committing crimes which they never did, according to him. And no patriot would join the enemies of the nation which Fonseka identified correctly and condemned unequivocally when he was serving as Army Commander under President Rajapakse.

Obviously, Fonseka cannot be trusted to honour his own words. The irrational way he denies today the promises and statements he made yesterday makes him look like a confused man who does not know his own mind. He has lost his road map and is at sixes and sevens. Read more...

Gen. Fonseka falls on his sword

“Wickremesinghe, of course, was trying to market Fonseka, a hated figure among the Tamils, as a force without power to do anything without his consent. But that is yet to be seen if and when Fonseka wins the presidency.”
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By H. L. D. Mahindapala

(December 17, Melbourne, Sri Lanka Guardian) Gen. (retd) Sarath Fonseka thought he was hurling a deadly missile when he accused Maj-Gen. Shavendra Silva of carrying out the orders of the Defence Secretary, in his absence, to eliminate the top LTTE leaders in Nanthi Kadal as they were coming out with white flags. But his missile hung in the air for a while and instead of hitting his opponents it swung violently and boomeranged on him, knocking him down and exposing him as a man not fit to wear the Sri Lankan Army uniform, it is sad to say.

It is not only the first biggest gaffe in his election campaign it is a crime committed against his own Army which he can never live down. He has kicked the Army which lifted him to the highest rank of a general. Yesterdays’ hero is acting like today’s Nero gone mad. The international repercussions reverberating round the world are a testimony to the irreparable damage he has done to the most professional Army of elite cadres that had won global respect for defeating the “invincible” Tamil Tiger terrorists.

Right now Gen. Fonseka is as confused as Velupillai Prabhakaran when he was on the run, retreating as fast he could, into Nanthi Kadal. On Sunday he accused one of his brilliant field commanders, Maj-Gen. Shavendra Silva, without whom he could never have won the war, and on Monday he summons a press conference to retract and claim full responsibility for all what happened in the battlefield. This is a useless exercise which does not serve either him or the Army which he commanded because, whether he admits it or not, under the laws of “command responsibility” he has to bear the responsibility for all the acts of his men, irrespective of whether he was aware of it or not. So he has shot himself in the foot by opening his mouth.

Also consider his other contradiction. On Sunday he uses the anti-Sri Lankan media in the private sector to fire his volley targeting the government, particularly his friend, Gotabaya Rajapakse, who made him the Army Commander over his other rivals, and on Monday he files charges in the Supreme Court against the state media targeting him.

There is more. At Dharmasoka College, Ambalangoda he claimed responsibility for killing the Tamil Tiger leadership which advanced bearing white flags and in his Colombo flat he tells the Sunday Leader that he did not know what happened at Nanthi Kadal because he was in China. This again was contradicted by him earlier. In countering the charge that he was not in Sri Lanka during the last days of the battle, he had claimed proudly that he was in touch with his commanders wherever he was. Now, when he is caught with his white sarong down, he blames the government for exposing his nakedness.

Clearly the “Common Candidate” Sarath Fonseka in civvies is betraying the General who was in uniform. His split personality poses a serious problem to the public who sees the Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde in him as two ridiculous creatures clashing head-on with neither gaining any credibility. This is what happens when you lie with dogs at your feet: you get up with fleas in your brain.

He is treating not only the loyal officers who brought him and the nation glory with contempt but he also expects the people to follow him each time he switches sides, accuses anybody whom he likes, twists and turns according to his political ambitions and exposes himself as an unprincipled opportunist. If he thinks that the people will forgive him for betraying his own forces he got another think coming! Unfortunately, he is today looking more like the lily that has begun to fester!

The worst is his attack on Maj-Gen. Shavendra Silva, one of the most committed, self-sacrificing, loyal field commanders who risked his life every step of the way, from the Rice Bowl in Mannar in the west to Nanthi Kadal in the eastern coast. I spent a night and the better part of the next morning with him reviewing the war effort led by him and he never said a word against his Army Commander. Just before writing this I reread the notes of my interview with him in June (after the war was over) and I note that every now and then he paused to emphasize his gratitude to the Army Commander for giving him all what he wanted and also for guiding him every step of the way to Nanthi Kadal.

And he carried out his commands to perfection. He said the communication lines with the Army Commander never failed. “He was talking to me all the time,” Shavendra told me. Once he was told to take a bund that was obstructing the advance of the Army. He was told to take it before 4 a.m. At 2.05 am Sarath rang him to find out where he was. Shavendra’s reply was: “I’m on top of the bund, Sir.” How can the Army Commander condemn his fellow-officer who had served him so loyally based on uncorroborated stories told by journalists?

Besides, if Gen. Fonseka was concerned about the killing of the Tiger leadership that came out from their hiding places with white flags did he hold an inquiry into it after the journalists told him about it? Did he ask for explanations from Maj-Gen. Shavendra Silva as to what happened? Did he make any inquiries from his Intelligence Units to verify the stories of the journalists?

It is very sad – I repeat, very, very. sad -- to see Sarath reacting with such indecent vindictiveness against his comrades-in-arms. Yes, he has taken responsibility but the damage has been done. , Besides, that is irrelevant as pointed out earlier because the law has pinned him down, whether he likes it or not. He has insulted not only one of his best field commanders but the nation as well.

His retraction has come too late. Furthermore, he has still not apologized either to Maj-Gen. Shavendra Silva or to the Defence Secretary, Gotabaya Rajapakse. They are all a part of the same outfit. If he condemns one he condemns all including himself. In his haste to get even with Gotabaya Rajapakse he dragged in Maj-Gen. Silva. He wanted to impress that he was a good boy by pointing the finger at his own fellow-officers without realizing that, in doing so, he would be digging his own grave.

What he has failed to realize is that he has fallen into a trap of his own making. He is now in the predictable situation of all men who betray their friends and join the enemies. When you join you former enemies to fight against your former friends you are in a situation where you are forced to condemn those who backed you earlier to be with the enemies who are making use of you. In the process you lose the prestige, the integrity, decency and the power, however limited, you had earlier. You invariably have to become the tool of your enemies because they have no other use for you.

This is precisely what Ranil Wickremesinghe intends doing to Sarath Fonseka. He said so candidly in Jaffna: “The opposition intends to use Sarath Fonseka only as a tool to eliminate Mahinda Rajapakse from the presidential post; people should not be afraid of him because he was an army commander,” Ranil Wicremasinghe, (sic) the leader of the opposition said Saturday night in Jaffna at a press meet held in ‘Yaa’lpaadi’ guest house, sources in Jaffna said. (TamilNet, Sunday, 13 December 2009, 08:18 GMT)

Wickremesinghe, of course, was trying to market Fonseka, a hated figure among the Tamils, as a force without power to do anything without his consent. But that is yet to be seen if and when Fonseka wins the presidency. Apart from his weak attempt to allay the fears of the Tamils Wickremesinghe is also taking a side swipe at the General to put him in his place.

This portends a conflict of interest which is going to blow up in time to come. Gen. Fonseka may lie low now until gets his hands on the levers of power. Once he is ensconced in the seat of power Wickremesinghe will have to follow the same path as Prabhakaran into Nanthi Kadal. Already, Wickremesinghe must be feeling the heat of Gen. Fonseka floundering in the unfamiliar territory of politics without a road map. Wickremesinghe’s asset is turning out to be a liability for which he may have to pay a heavy price on January 26th, 2010.

By behaving like a loose cannon Fonseka has come out as the most untrustworthy and unscrupulous colleague and commander. So how can he ask the people to elect him as their next Commander-in-Chief when he could not maintain the honour and dignity of an Army Commander? Can any member of the Security Forces trust him? Can the nation trust him? If he can betray his colleagues with accusations based on gossip how long will he take to betray the nation?

For the moment, let us forget that aspect of living up to the ideals of an officer and a gentleman. It was his duty as a fellow-human being to show some degree of gratitude to his comrade-in-arms. What Sarath did is a disgrace to the entire Sri Lankan Army. He has by his own bitterness and folly gone beyond the limits and taken away the better part of the gloss which he gained from the successes of field commanders like Shavendra Silva.

Maj-Gen. Shavendra Silva is a quiet but tough soldier who has proved his worth by commanding the 58th Division which cleared the entire Western coast, captured A9 road and advanced eastward until he reached the eastern coast at break of dawn on April 21, 2008. He began his march from the Rice Bowl in Mannar on 27th September 2007 and never stopped until May 18th 2009 in Vellamulli Vaikkal in the eastern coast. One of the calculated tactics was not to give breathing space to the Tigers to recover or regroup. They were kept on the run all the time. The Tigers were hit from all sides simultaneously and they were running as fast as they could, not knowing how to stop the advancing forces.

The primary priority in the agenda of Maj-Gen Silva was to clear the western coast. To clear the western coast he had to capture and hold Mannar. This was the key point through which the Tigers infiltrated the south. His target was to go from Mannar to Ponneryn, 85 km north. That was also shortest point to India.

To consolidate his position in Mannar he had to capture the Rice Bowl ---9 km x 9 km wide open space occupied by the Tamil Tigers. They were entrenched with maximum forces. It was a killer terrain and difficult to advance. Shavendra’s forces inched their way by night as day time light made them sitting ducks for the Tigers. It took nine months to capture the Rice Bowl – the first big breakthrough.

After the capture of the Rice Bowl he began his march toward Pooneryn which was the turning point in the Vanni operation. When the Tigers lost Pooneryn they lost total control of Jaffna and the entire western coast.. From there he came down south to capture A 9 and then cut across to the east. There he met the other forces advancing from the south. That was the crowning glory of all the advancing forces: they all met in Vellamulli Vaikal beach on May 16, 2009.

After May 19, when the death of Prabhakaran was confirmed, the Army had to reorient itself to the emerging tasks of peace time. A peace time soldier plays a different role. 44-year old Maj-Gen. Shavendra Silva, an old boy of St. Thomas’ Matale, was weighing his career options, the night I met him in his camp. He was thankful to his Army Commander, his men who stood by him, and the nation he defended so bravely. The last thing he would have expected at the time was to be let down by his Army Commander. One of Prabhakaran’s bullets going through his heart, I’m sure, would not have shocked him as the blow dealt by his Army Commander. He could have taken that bullet with equanimity but not the ungrateful cut of his Army Commander.

The nation is once again facing a trying time not because of the enemies but due to the betrayals of the so-called friends of the nation. With friends like Gen. Fonseka, who is now working with Ranil Wickremesinghe, Mangala Samaraweera and Somawansa Amerasinghe, what difference does Prabhakaran’s death make to the future of Sri Lanka? The enemies within are always more vicious than the enemies that lurk in the periphery.

-Sri Lanka Guardian Read more...

Ranil has done it again – all by himself

“If he scored 100 runs for Mahinda Rajapakse how can he now score 101 for Wickremesinghe? This means that he is batting to defeat his own achievements. He is not playing a 20-20 match where you can switch sides without any qualms because you are playing for money.”
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By H. L. D. Mahindapala

(December 09, Melbourne, Sri Lanka Guardian) Each time Ranil Wickremesinghe tries to lift the UNP up it sinks a foot or two deeper in the mud in which it is located right now.. Each time he tries to raise his head he is knocked on the head by his own stupidity. Each time he thinks that he has stitched up the best deal for himself, the party or the nation every stitch comes apart at the seams. Each time he blunders it has diminished the image of the UNP and prospects of recovering from repeated defeats at the polls.

The latest fiasco is Gen (retd.) Sarath Fonseka. For a brief while Wickremesinghe’s loyalists were elated that their leader had found the best deal to save the party. But even before the race could begin he is back at square one. Instead of rallying the party behind him he has once again created another irreparable rift. He thinks that his party is like pappadam – made to be broken. Breaking up his party has been his specialty and Mahinda Rajapakse should not forget to present Wickremesinghe with the Deshabandu or Desmanaya award for his incomparable services to his own failure in politics.

Despite all his political sukkuruth- thangs, Wickremesinghe is facing a mega crisis which may be his last. First he confessed that he can’t win and opted for an outsider to save him and his party. Now his National Organiser, S. B. Dissanayake, has quit confirming that not only Wickremesinghe but even his nominee, Sarath Fonseka can’t win. If Wickremesinghe can’t get his National Organiser behind him how does he propose to get the rest of the nation behind him? How can a leader who divides his own party for the umpteenth time ever dream of uniting the nation? How can a leader who can’t win the confidence of his own party win the confidence of the people at large?

Why is it that every big move he makes leads to a major split in the party? Whatever one thinks of S. B. Dissanayake as a person he was seen as an asset to the party. The UNPers had to admit – even though grudgingly – that Dissanayake was a more capable leader than Wickremesinghe. He may not be the one who could win the hearts and minds of the elite but his organizing capabilities made him a better alternative to Wickremesinghe at the grassroot level. In provoking Dissanayake to leave the party, Wickremesinghe has once again confirmed that he is a failed leader whose propensity to break up his own party is greater than holding it in his firm grip.

And the latest split has come at the worst time ever. This is a time that he can’t lose a single vote let alone losing party stalwarts. All what he hoped to gain by taking cover behind Sarath Fonseka has been demolished by his short-sighted policy of going for an outsider to save him and whatever is left of his party. Nor is this the first time he blundered by throwing his lot with the outsiders. He did this earlier when he embraced Mangala Samaraweera and offered him not only the deputy leadership of the party but also the premiership if he helped to topple the Rajapakse government. Naturally, this riled the senior members who marched out. Now he has embraced Sarath Fonseka against the wishes of a significant section of the party. Even those who did not cross over saw this as a betrayal of the fundamentals of the UNP, including its symbol. S. B. Dissanayake read it as a personal blow to him. In running behind outsiders Wickremesinghe seeks to protect himself by deliberately leaving the insiders out. Obviously, when he runs behind outsiders he is confirming that he has no faith in his insiders. This tactic has cost him and the party dearly. And at the end of each move he has been forced to retreat with egg on his face. Tragically, his dismal performance at the national and at the party levels has earned him only the wrath of his own cadres who, along with the rest of the nation, question his capacity to lead. There is no one to blame except himself.

He is the most ill-fated political leader of our time. He is so pathetic that one does not know whether to cry with him or laugh at him. What is he left with now? There is Sarath Fonseka, of course, who has joined a defeated political army that is fast losing its cadres and top commanders. When he was with Mahinda Rajapakse he could recruit foot soldiers by the thousands. After he joined Wickremesinghe he finds that the best commanders and cadres are running away. When the top commanders are abandoning their posts what hope is there for sappers to stick with the leader? How on earth did a strategist like Gen. Fonseka fall into a black hole like the UNP?

He is finding that the battle field was far more comfortable and straightforward than the twists and turns in the political arena. In the battle field he gave orders over the phone and they were executed to perfection. Now he can’t get things moving in the direction he wants even after meeting the political commanders face-to-face. He is learning slowly but surely that his chances of achieving what he wants are slipping away from him with each new development, despite his renowned leadership qualities, mainly because he is with a bunch of heterogeneous politicos yoked to pull in different directions. If he wants to win on his commendable leadership qualities then he must find a more dynamic and coherent collection of forces. But it is too late for that. He is stuck with what he has and not all his leadership qualities can save him or his gang of no-hopers.

Fonseka should know by now that leadership qualities are not worth talking about if they can’t achieve pre-determined goals. This whole election is about electing a leader who can guide the nation in the post-war period. Leadership matters in the battles to win peace just as much as it mattered in winning the war. Page 1 picture of the Sunday Island (December 6, 209) tells it all. It presents Karu Jayasuriya, Ranil Wickremesinghe and Sarath Fonseka – all wearing the green badge of the UNP – sitting in the front row, next to each other, leaving the readers to guess whether the UNP holding its annual convention at Welissara has a leader at all.

Or to put it more bluntly, if the leader of the UNP is scared to run for presidential election – the highest office in the land -- knowing that he will get another beating and if he is now hiding behind his nominee whom he thinks has a better chance than him which of the three wearing the UNP badge can claim to be the leader? Karu, of course, is in the outer though he is in the picture. So if, for instance, a Martian comes down from his UFO and asks, say Tissa Attanayake, to take him to his leader where will Attanayake go? This is also the question that the Sri Lankan earthlings are asking: if the UNP, the Grand Old Party, can’t produce a leader to contest for the most powerful office in the land why is it in politics at all?

In the picture, lame-duck Wickremesinghe is shown flashing a deferential smile, cozying up to his new leader, Sarath Fonseka, while Karu Jayasuriya, is expressing his happiness, eyeing not Wickremesinghe but Fonseka. The relaxed stance of Sarath is already that of the leader of the UNP with the green badge revealing his new political identity.

This public stance of Sarath Fonseka, however, is bound to throw the JVPers off balance. True, they have agreed to campaign on the same platform with the UNP but do they expect their nominee for the presidential race to be pinned down by the green badge? Or are the “rathu sahodarayas” (a colourful phrase borrowed from Prabath Sahabandu) colour blind? Or has Somawansa turned into Soma-hansa, after swallowing Fonseka’s swan? Soma-hansa’s coalition with the UNP is typical of the lumpen Marxists who eventually ended up in the bosom of the UNP or SLFP. JVP has been in both bosoms now. This clearly has turned the JVP into a Jathika Vihulukarayangay (Jokers) Party.

Since he prefers to be taken seriously, it is legitimate to ask when the “Common Candidate” wears the badge of only the UNP where does it leave the JVP ? If symbolism means what it says then Fonseka is saying publicly that he is now the anointed leader of the UNP to the executive presidency until he voluntarily becomes the non-executive president, hopefully (?). It is clear from the actions of Fonseka that he is more with the UNP than the JVP. If push comes to a shove he will side with the UNP. This raises some issues related to not only economic policies but also foreign policies – issues that needs scrutiny another time.

But for the moment it is the domestic scene that is relevant. And this relates, in particular, to Fonseka’s stance on the presidency. Will he give up the powers in that office and climb down to a seat in the powerless non-executive presidency? After all, he chucked up the post of Chief of Defence Staff saying he had no powers. Of course, like all men of action he wanted power to do something. He is also on record saying that he wants the executive presidency to make radical changes to the political culture. Three cheers for that! But how can he make any change when he is going to be stripped of all power by his two main backers – the UNP and JVP. If Wickremesinghe and Soma-hansa have their way he won’t even have the power to change his trousers without their approval.

He also declared that he is for the economic program of the UNP. Jehan Perera, of the National Peace Council, who opposed the war led by Sarath Fonseka, now admits (see Daily Mirror video on Election) that the general has changed his stance on the ethnic issue, meaning that he is ready to go beyond the 13th Amendment. Is this what Fonseka meant when he said: “Over my dead body!”? Did he lead his soldiers to go beyond Alimankada (Elephant Pass) for him to go beyond the 13th Amendment? When he wears the UNP badge he accepts, by implication, the UNP policy of going beyond the 13th Amendment. As they say, when you talk like a duck, walk like a duck and wear the feathers of a duck you are duck. There are no two words about it.

The people who trusted him would like to know whether the hero who claims to have won the war sacrificed his loyal soldiers to give more than what the Tamil leaders signed for with the Indian leaders? Towards the end of the war he proclaimed that his table was covered with hundred maps when he began the war and in the final stages he reduced it to one map. This was good news. The people believed that there will be only one map after he completed the war. Is he now asking us to go back to the hundred maps that he had on his table when the final offensive began at Mavil Aru? He has to tell the people how many maps he has on his table now? Is he showing to Soma-hansa the same map that he is showing to Wickremesinghe? And what kind of map will he show the voters?

When he followed the road map of Mahinda Rajapakse he went swiftly to Alimankada and beyond. After he switched sides and joined Wickremesinghe he seems to be stuck in Pamankada. Is this ultimate goal of Fonseka? Those who considered him to be their hero (and I’m not ashamed to say that I was one of them) feel let down by his politics which runs contrary to his own conscience. How can he bat for Mahinda Rajapakse first and then go to bat for Wickremesinghe in the same innings?

If he scored 100 runs for Mahinda Rajapakse how can he now score 101 for Wickremesinghe? This means that he is batting to defeat his own achievements. He is not playing a 20-20 match where you can switch sides without any qualms because you are playing for money. He is playing in a test match which represents the nation. When he goes to bat for an anti-national team at any stage of the test – and the other half of the test has just begun -- is it possible for the nation to cheer him all the way.

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Will Fonseka be the suicide-bomber for Ranil? - Part II

Isn’t this a Freudian slip in which Fonseka describes Ranil better than anyone else?
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By H. L. D. Mahindapala

(December 03, Melbourne, Sri Lanka Guardian) Whether General Sarath Fonseka wins or loses there is no doubt that, at the end of it all, Ranil Wickremesinghe will be the loser. If Fonseka loses it is Wickremesinghe who will have to cop the flak. It will prove once again that he is a born loser. In the unlikely event of a win credit will go invariably to Fonseka and not to Wickremesinghe. So either way Wickremesinghe is a loser. What is worse, if Fonseka wins Wickremesinghe will have no power to force him out and grab power from him. Wickremesinghe will be a loser in this respect too.

According to his late uncle, J. R. Jayewardene, the constitution bestows on Fonseka unbridled political power to do anything he pleases with Wickremesinghe, except turning him into a woman. Fortunately, Fonseka will not have to go that far because Wickremesinghe, ever since he took over the UNP, has been behaving like a cantankerous and frustrated wattiamma returning home without selling a single halmassa. Therefore, the voters and the UNPers, in particular, have a right to ask what substantial good Wickremesinghe has done to the nation and to the party. He is a self-confessed failure. In asking Fonseka to contest on his behalf he is making a public confession that he can’t even contest an election to save his skin. Sri Lanka has produced many firsts like the first woman prime minister, the doosra, and even the world’s deadliest terrorists. In Wickremesinghe, however, Sri Lanka has produced the first political hermaphrodite (napoonsakaya) who had lost around 18 elections and still claims to be a leader.

As things stand now Fonseka comes across better than Wickremesinghe in public. He sounds more convincing than Wickremesinghe at press conferences. And he fields the questions succinctly giving answers that seem to be appropriate for the moment though practically everyone of it can be faulted on grounds of credibility. Even when he says that “We are good friends now” referring to the new alliance with Mangala Samaraweera – his erstwhile critic who said that Fonseka was not even fit to lead the Salvation Army – he sounds genuine. He looks as if he has mastered the art of politicking quick-fast.

However, these are early days and there could be many a slip between now and January 28th. What Fonseka needs in the run up to the election – and also in the long term -- is a consolidated political base. If he wins the presidential race he could easily take over the reins of the UNP – and that wouldn’t be bad thing for the UNP and the nation. Wickremesinghe should have been booted out at the end of each election he lost. Hopefully the UNPers will have the guts to do the needful after January 28th.

In the meantime, Wickremesinghe, like an incorrigible habitual, reverts to his failed tactics of forming alliances. First he made a grand alliance with the best Tamil military tactician. Now he has formed an alliance with the best Sinhala tactician who beat the best Tamil tactician. He had tried every possible tactic – from “juck-muck” politics in bullock carts to dragging dogs out of the Colombo Municipal pound --- and failed. Can he win with Fonseka? When N. Ram, the editor of The Hindu, asked President Rajapakse about the threat posed by Prabhakaran, he replied: “He comes from the jungles of the north. I come from the jungles of south. Let’s see who wins!” This time round President could says: “We both come from the south. Lets see who wins!”

From the sidelines Wickremesinghe is cheering Fonseka in the hope that he will be the ultimate beneficiary of his victory. He is backing Fonseka in the hope that he will not only dissolve the presidency, if he wins the race, but also make him the Prime Minister. This is one of the most bizarre thought bubbles ever floated in politics. This stipulation also goes against every bone in Fonseka’s body politic. In short, Wickremesinghe is asking Fonseka to do another Siri Sangabo – hand over President Fonseka’s head on a platter to Prime Minister Wickremesinghe. No one believes that contemporary Sri Lankans are about to witness the rebirth of Siri Sangabo on January 28th and his instant death after declaring Wickremesinghe as the Prime Minister.

If Fonseka’s forthright statements at the press conference are any guidance to his future role then it is abundantly clear that he is determined to stay put, without moving from the presidential chair, to clean up the place, as he states. He is promising to do many things. But from where is he going to fulfill his promises if he does a Siri Sangabo? He must have power to execute his promises. But he has promised Wickremesinghe to hand over his head to him soon after he wins the next presidential election. If Wickremesinghe has his way Fonseka will neither be a president nor a prime minister. So from which place is he going exercise power to fulfill his promises? His mission and goals defined by him are highly commendable. But which office will he be occupying to deliver his promises?

This is a glaring contradiction that he and Wickremesinghe have yet to explain. Take, for instance, Fonseka’s promise to “get his hands dirty to clean up the garbage.” That is a huge task like cleaning the Augean stables which will take years, perhaps the remaining years of his life. His task, if he is going to be fair and just, as promised, should not stop at the Rajapakse regime. It should extend to the Wickremesinghe regime as well because he and his UNP caboodle ran one of the most corrupt regimes, suppressing dissent (he forced Paul Harris, the independent journalist from Janes Weekly and Daily Telegraph to get out of the country within twenty four hours) and bootlicking the West, just to mention a few. So after winning the presidency and handing it over to Wickremesinghe is he going to be the next head of the Bribery Commission working, perhaps, under Dr. Jayalath Jayawardena who will want to give contracts to his sisters, aunts and nieces? .

This whole scenario is the biggest farce in which Wickremesinghe is trying to take Fonseka for a ride and vice versa. What is worse, both are working together to take the public also for the greatest ride of their life. There is also a line which Fonseka delivered at the press conference which may have serious consequences to Wickremesinghe. He said: “The country needs a leader who loves the country. (How does Ranil fit into this description?) I don’t know whether leaders in the past have been able to prove themselves to the expectations of the people to say that they really love the country. They would have said so in words but they have to do so in action and deeds.”

Isn’t this a Freudian slip in which Fonseka describes Ranil better than anyone else? Besides, he uses a broad brush to tarnish all leaders of the past without exception and though he may be hinting at the Rajapakses it also includes Ranil, Mangala, Hakeem, etc. So from where would he begin to cleanup the Sri Lankan stables? How long does he need to that? And from which power base is he going to perform his duties?

Besides, all his calculations are based on him winning power without any guarantee from Wickremesinghe to retain power to do what he wants. The power struggle that is going to take place in the unlikely event of Fonseka winning is going to be fierce than the one he is facing with the Rajapakses. According to Ranil’s declarations Fonseka has no role to play other than to win the election and hand over power to him. Both pose serious problems of credibility. In the end the public will not be surprise to see Wickremesinghe whistling louder than ever in the wind.

Apart from that, all of Fonseka’s promises are predicated on him winning the presidential race. The whole purpose of Wickremesinghe’s current move to ride on the back of Fonseka is because he thinks his horse can carry his excess weight and win. But can he? Though Wickremesinghe still retains a substantial part of the UNP block vote he still lacks the nationalist vote in the south to tip the scales in his favour. He was earlier banking on the minority votes. Now he thinks his chances has improved by cutting into the Rajapakse vote through Fonseka. But even if he gets some of Rajapakse’s votes he is not getting the minority vote he expected to win. Nor is there a Prabhakaran to deliver a block vote to him.

One of the biggest blows came from the Arumugan Thondaman who has the capacity to deliver a sizeable block from his vote bank in the estates. He has come out committing himself to give unconditional support to Rajapakse. On top of that S. B. Dissanayake, his National Organiser who has some clout in the central hills, too many not put his full weight behind Wickremesinghe. Clearly the minority votes of the central hills are not going to swing Fonseka’s way. If that is bad it is getting worse in east and the north. Karuna and Pillaiyan, who have some say, too has pledged their support to Mahinda. Muslims of the East too are not fully behind Wickremesinghe’s side-kick, Rauf Hakeem.

What is left is the north. How would the north vote? What is heard on the grapevine is that TNA will field a candidate of its own – most probably Sampanthan - for three main reasons:1. neither presidential candidate is appealing to them; 2 a Tamil candidate is necessary to maintain their political stance of not compromising on their demands and pushing for going beyond 13th Amendment and 3. deliver a strong message to the Tamil diaspora that the TNA has the electoral clout to be their representative on the ground. If a Tamil candidates pop up then the votes that Wickremesinghe and his candidate are expecting will not be there for them on January 28th. So the minority votes from the centre, the east and the north are not coming Wickremesinghe’s way the way he calculated.

Without the minority vote he has no chance of his riding his horse to the winning post. Nor is Mahinda likely to lose that much to Fonseka. At best Fonseka may shave off some from the edges but the swing shown at the local council elections will be hard to shift., unless something unforgivable happens between now and January 28th. The government must conduct its campaign with finesse and care. What happened at the Kelaniya Temple when Fonseka took his first step into politics is as deplorable as Fonseka crossing over to the enemies of the nation.

The people are tired of violence and if they are looking for a change it will be in the direction of finding peace in every street corner. So if the government hopes to win the election it must pack the likes of Mervyn Silva in a leaking boat without a paddle and let them loose somewhere in the middle of Nanthi Kadal Lagoon. Government must give full protection to Sarath Fonseka not only because he is still a target but also because it is the most convincing way of telling the people that they can depend on the government to give the people – all the peoples – the security and peace they deserve at the end of the 33-year-old Vadukoddai War.

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Dilemmas of a nation in war and peace – Part One

“The final result will depend on the power of Sarath to eat into the nationalist vote now in the hands of Mahinda. This is the vote bank that was missing in Wickremesinghe’s camp. He had lost the Sinhala-Buddhist vote because he was aligned too close to the anti-national forces.”
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By H. L. D. Mahindapala

(December 02, Melbourne, Sri Lanka Guardian) War brought out the best in us. Peace has brought out the worst. War helped us to close ranks and hold us together. Peace has blown this apart.

War taught us that we have the capacity to overcome all obstacles and achieve the impossible combating local and external forces. Peace is now throwing us back to primeval politics of wild beasts feeding on each other.

In the light of what is happening now, it seems that war was preferable to peace. No one expected peace to take this destructive turn. Peace has turned inward to fight the very forces that fought for peace. We didn’t fight the war to make peace a bitter battlefield for comrades-in-arms to indulge in dog-eat-dog politics. But that is exactly what has happened.

There is, in a sense, a historical inevitability in this turn of events. Forces that come together tend to fly apart sooner or later. It is a part of the permutations and combinations of bizarre politics that go to make history. But what took everyone by surprise is the speed with which it came and shattered the euphoria of victory. The nation was expecting that it could go to bed without spending sleepless nights. We thought that we had overcome the worst and the future was in our hands. But the split in the ranks of those who fought the common enemies has raised serious doubts about the way we are about to manage peace.

Instead of sweet dreams we are now tossing and turning again once again haunted by the worst nightmares. All this questions the very rationale on which we made sacrifices to win the war. Did our heroic soldiers and the nation at large give all what they had for the politico-military forces to unite the nation under one flag or did they wage a war to create new space for the enemies of the nation to exploit peace to regain what they had lost in the war?

In peace it seems we are back to square one. The unholy divisions have given new life to the defeated forces. They are jubilant and the trumpets of their triumphalism are loud enough to wake up Prabhakaran from his grave and perform his devil dance once again on the 15,000 hectares given to him gratis with the compliments of Ranil Wickremesinghe. The anti-national forces that fought against the advance of the forces to save the nation are now crowing because they have managed, at last, to break up the unity of the troika that pulled the nation out of the morass. The Mahinda Rajapakse – Sarath Fonseka – Gotabaya Rajapakse triumurti was hard to beat. Together they provided the most formidable – if not invincible – power against all-comers. The break-up of that unity at this time is indeed tragic for all parties.

From the little information that I have it seems that it was a petty fight of egos between Gen. Sarath Fonseka and Gotabaya Rajapakse that flared into a national crisis. As Commander-in-Chief Mahinda Rajapakse should have banged their heads together and made them fall in line. As President he had the power and charisma to throw his hands round both and closed the widening gap. But since blood is thicker than military muscle he let the rot set in posing the most serious threat to his seat since he won the consent of the people in 2005.

In the past it was the President who divided the opposition and brought the dissidents into his fold. For the first time Ranil Wickremesinghe feels elated that he has managed to beat the President in his own game. Ironically, his temporary victory is doomed to be his permanent loss. What he is refusing to acknowledge now is that he has embraced a bear who has not yet put out his claws. When eventually the claws come out no cleaners or body bags will be required to pick up Wickremesinghe’s bones.

Wickremesinghe is noted for making agreements that take him nowhere. He signed his notorious agreement with Prabhakaran and what did he achieve? He neither won peace nor the votes from both sides of the divide. He signed another ill-fated agreement with Mangala Samaraweera, hoping to over throw the Rajapakse government in the budget vote. Samaraweera could neither bring over the 17 SLFPers he promised to the opposition nor install Wickremesinghe in the Presidential chair. Then he entered into a pact with Rauf Hakeem hoping to win the east. He lost that too. And he has been losing every election since then. He has also been clever in losing his rank and file.

This time he has done what no political leader with any commonsense or self-respect has ever done. He has sold out the party and his own future to an unknown and unpredictable factor in the hope of achieving what he never can achieve: the Presidency. There are limits to folly but Wickremesinghe has gone beyond folly into self-inflicted stupidity that will seal his fate forever. He has virtually handed over his chicken coop to not a fox but a wolf in sheep’s clothing -- and I say this as a compliment to my friend Sarath Fonseka. Both are playing a vahen horay game – a game in which both are trying to outwit each other by posing as buddy-buddies. Wickremesinghe believes that he can make use of Sarath to pull his chestnuts out and Sarath too is playing the same game.

In this game Wickremesinghe has lost already. By handing over the leadership of the presidential race to Sarath it goes without saying that Wickremesinghe has publicly confessed that he is no leader who can win the confidence of the people. The people too have conveyed this blunt message to him several times and knowing the outcome awaiting him if he runs for presidency he has thrown a front-man whom, he thinks, has the most likely chance of beating Mahinda Rajapakse. It’s the biggest gamble of his political career and the chances are that he will lose again.

But it must be conceded that Sarath is posing the most serious threat to Mahinda Rajapakse – bigger than even Prabhakaran. It would have been a cake walk for Mahinda if the troika worked together under his command. The tragic split has weakened the horse power of three and reduced it to horse power one – Mahinda Rajapakse. It is now a race between Mahinda and Sarath. Gotabaya is out of the race. The troika was effective in the battlefield. Now that the war is over and now that Sarath too has left his uniform the battle has shifted to the political arena where only the two political candidates matter. It’s new ball game in which different tactics and alignments come into play.

The final result will depend on the power of Sarath to eat into the nationalist vote now in the hands of Mahinda. This is the vote bank that was missing in Wickremesinghe’s camp. He had lost the Sinhala-Buddhist vote because he was aligned too close to the anti-national forces. The people saw him as a despicable traitor and he behaved like one particularly at the height of the war when he and his fellow-travellers scoffed at Gen. Fonseka’s valiant efforts to defeat the common enemies.

It is on his alignment with Wickremesinghe that I disagree with my friend Sarath. As a general in the army he fought just not to win victories in the battlefield (which he did and for which he deserves 95% of the credit, as he claimed) but to protect the nation from the external and internal enemies. It is unthinkable that he should join the enemies of the nation who are still lurking in the background to win all what they lost due to the heroic efforts of Gen. Fonseka. He claimed that 95% of the victory was due to his strategies and the efforts of his forces. If he claims 95% of that victory for himself then it is his bounden duty to give 100% of it back to the nation that stood by him every inch of the way.

I agree that 95% of the victory is due to him. Whether it is Mac Arthur or Eisenhower the credit goes ultimately to the overall commander in the field. It is true that the allied forces, political and military, contributed their part to the victory. But the ultimate responsibility was with the commander of the ground forces. All military victories are measured in terms of winning territory and there is, no doubt, that Gen. Fonseka planned it meticulously to lead the forces to the last battle in Nanthi Kadal. But how much of the heroism will go to Gen. Arthur and Gen. Eisenhower if, after the war, Mac Arthur joined the Japanese or Gen. Eisenhower joined the defeated Nazis? In fact, after the World War II Mac Arthur continued to play his constructive role in Japan in winning over the enemies to the Western camp and turning Japan in a dynamic democracy. It was when he began to play politics in the North Korean war that he was cashiered by President Truman.

Besides, Gen. Fonseka’s 95% claim places a huge responsibility on his shoulders to see it through to the end because the enemies whom he fought are raising their heads again. What is unpardonable in this saga is that the enemies whom he fought are using him now to destroy the very forces he fought to protect. He was accepted as a hero because he fought to defend the nation. Every battle he won was seen as a victory for the nation threatened by the enemies. Of course, a share of it goes to him too. But the war was won not for Sarath Fonseka but for the nation. How can he now join the same old enemies who continue to threaten the nation? How can he now get out of his uniform and destroy the very ideals that he fought to uphold and protect?

Heroes die with their boots on defending the causes they fought for. They don’t change their uniforms and turn against the forces that lifted them into the high pedestal of heroism. This is the tragedy of Gen. Fonseka. He has turned against himself. He was trusted, admired and hero-worshipped when he fought for the nation. Now he is seen as a civilian fighting for his own glory. This has undermined his reputation as a selfless defender of the nation. This not only questions his character and motives but also his commitment to fundamental principles to which he pledged his life. “Over my dead body,” he said committing himself unequivocally to the principles which he swore to defend. This has placed his followers in a serious dilemma. Whom are the voters going to trust: is it the civilian Sarath Fonseka playing politics with the enemies of the nation or the Gen. Fonseka they knew as their hero? By joining his former enemies isn’t he committing hara-kiri? He seems to be the typical flawed Shakesperian character like Coriolanus whose hubris brought him down, despite his brilliance in the battlefield.

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Advancing religion to save the future – Part III

“Incorporating religion into law as a formidable force to combat the threats to the environment is a sine qua non to rein in individual nations refusing to recognize the anthropogenic (man-made) causes of global warming.”
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Previous Parts : Part I | Part II

By H. L. D. Mahindapala

(November 28, Melbourne, Sri Lanka Guardian) At the core of the current controversy on the environment is also the role of science and technology. This argument invariably invokes the metaphor of Frankenstein – the metaphor of science growing into a monster which man cannot control. But Judge Weeramantry is not an obscurantist who goes against all science. He acknowledges the benevolent contribution of science to advance knowledge and its corollary of elevating the quality of life to levels not known in history. His argument, however, is that science and technology should not be allowed exceed moral limits and run wild without ethical considerations.



“Many of the world’s environmental problems,” he states, “result from the fact that modern science and technology have tended to become a power unto themselves, restrained by moral and spiritual principles.” (187). He quotes from Redemptor Hominis of Pope John Paul II to emphasize this point: “We seem to be increasingly aware that the exploitation of the earth, the plant on which we are living, demands rational and honest planning. At the same time, exploitation of the earth not only for industrial but also military purposes and the uncontrolled development of technology outside the framework of a long-rang authentically humanistic plan often bring with a threat to man’s natural environment, alienate him in his relations with nature and the remove him from nature.” (p. 188)

In his book, Tread Lightly on the Earth, Judge Weeramantry draws strands from all the five major religions – Judaism, Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam and Christianity – to drive home the point that spiritual tenets, more than raw secularism, have, in their core values, “shared environmental wisdom and this is as an aspect that urgently needs communication to the global public.” (p.11).

For instance, the defining of man’s role as a trustee of planet earth and not its owner with unfettered powers to exploit its resources for selfish gain is derived from the major religions. From Buddhism he draws the concept of trusteeship which he encoded into a legally valid principle in the case between Hungary and Slovakia over the damming of the waters of the Danube resulting in environmental damage. In his judgment on this case at the International Court of Justice he quoted Mahinda, the Buddhist missionary, who told the king that he is merely the trustee and not the owner of the territory.

The concept of trusteeship surfaces as a common principle in other religions too. In Islam man is seen as “God’s vice-regent on earth”. The doctrine of trust, says, Judge Weeramantry, “is closely associated with the concept of vice-regency. Responsible trusteeship is a major theological concept which, just as in Christianity and Judaism, plays an important role in determining how humans should use and react to the environment.” (p227). In Christianity the same concept emerges as “the stewardship theory”. The good steward is inherent in the concept of the good shepherd, argues Judge Weeramantry. All in all, the Buddhist concept of a “trustee”, the Islamic concept of God’s “vice-regent on earth”, or the Christian concept of a “good shepherd” all converge to convey the responsibilities of man to his environment.

Referring to Hinduism he points out that an “important feature of the Hindu worldview is that the supreme deity resides in all things. …….Indeed the whole universe is looked upon as the body of God, thus making it a deep obligation of every individual to show due respect for it.” (p. 38).

The Hindu view is that man is a part of nature and the man who destroys nature is like the man who is cutting the branch on which he sits. Besides, in Hinduism God is present in everything in creation and he who destroys nature destroys God.

In his chapter on Christianity Judge Weeramantry deals with a controversial aspect of Christianity which assumed (erroneously) that God has placed man at the peak of creation to be the master to do whatever he wants. This “dominion theory” derives its text mainly from Genesis 1:26: “And God said, Let us make man in our image, after our likeness: and let them have dominion over the fish of the sea and over the fowl of the air and over the cattle and all the earth and over every creeping thing that creepeth on earth.”

Judge Weeramantry argues against this “mastery” or “despotic” interpretation of Genesis. “Such a view,” says Judge Weeramantry, “left man to do as he pleased with the environment of which he was lord and master and all the other Christian teachings regarding the humility and caring attitudes that Christians should display tended to be relegated to the background. This was by no means the official attitude adopted by the church, but the lack of stress of Christian virtue in the context of the environment, permitted such attitudes to be widely held and practised.”(p. 167). He adds: “The dominion theory long held sway, as the other theories took time to emerge in the absence of a stimulus to formulate them or bring them to the forefront.” (Ibid).

The main thrust of Judge Weeramantry’s latest book is to restore the pristine values enshrined in religion. By and large, he sees science and technology as the key factors that go against the preservation of the environment and, from a legal point of view, the rights of future generations. The future is seen as a sacred entity that must be protected from the depredations of the present. But the forces of modernity are working relentlessly against the future.

“Two of the principal forces at work in the modern age,” he argues, “which are causing extensive and irreparable damage to the environment, are science and technology, on the one hand, and the massive strengths of commercial and economic forces on the other. Acting in combination as they often do, their strength is overwhelming especially in the poorer countries.” (p.220)

He strengthens his argument for keeping science and technology within an ethical framework by tracing the contributions of Islam to modern science. He says:” The surge of scientific research and learning in the Islamic world did much to transmit the spirit of scientific inquiry into the West. Whether in mathematics, physics, chemistry, medicine, astronomy, optics, agriculture, engineering or any other branches of science, Islamic knowledge blossom during the dark ages in Europe and helped to rekindle the torch of scientific learning in the West, leading later to the resurgence of Western science and eventually to the industrial revolution.”

The critical turning point in science and technology came at this juncture and Judge Weeramantry focuses on this divergence as his central theme. He says: “There was, however, principal difference between science as it developed in the West and science as it developed in Islam. Whereas science was always kept within the boundaries of ethics and religion in the Islamic system, in the West science launched out on a career of its own and was scarcely restrained by moral or spiritual concerns. This has been one of the principal causes of environmental damage in the world today and it is an urgent need once more to bring science within ethical and moral restraints as one of the preconditions to avoiding environmental disaster.” (p 220 – 221).

Man, in short, has broken his bonds with nature and this aspect has been a perennial concern of the “eco-spirituals” found in all cultures. The grand poet of nature, William Wordsworth, expressed, with child-like reverence, man’s relationship to his environment in his famous poem, which began: “My heart leaps up when I behold / A rainbow in the sky: / So was it when my life began, / So it now I am a man, / So be it when I shall grow old / Or let me die! / The child is the father of the man: / And I could wish my days to be / Bound each to each by natural piety.”

The grieving now is for the loss of “natural piety” – a poetic phrase that encapsulates the spiritual ties to nature. Restoration of “natural piety” is also the essence in Judge Weeramantry’s book. Man began his journey on earth by worshipping nature. The original man was an integral part of nature. But as he advanced he tended to distance himself from nature and rely on science and technology which alienated him from his natural surroundings. The asphalt jungle replaced the natural habitat of the rain forests. On his way to the industrial age man lost his “natural piety” and if the future is in going back to it then the road to that destination runs through religion, argues Judge Weeramantry.

The book ends with the hope of establishing a Universal Convention on Environmental Rights and Duties. As a jurist he regrets that international law is lagging behind without taking action to protect the endangered future. Commenting on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights he says it spoke only of rights and not duties. He also adds that it was “only a non-binding Declaration as opposed to a binding Convention.”

Judge Weeramantry stresses emphatically that a Universal Convention on Environmental Rights and Duties is long overdue. He sees it as a guarantee for the future generations who have no legal protection. He emphasizes that they too have rights. But not many are concerned about future generations because they don’t have votes. Nevertheless, “we are pillaging their birth rights and irreversibly damaging their inheritance.” (p. 258).

He concludes by arguing: “The most powerful force for resisting this is the united teachings of all the world’s religions….The pathway to the integration of these joint religious teachings into international law needs to be explored. This is an urgent legal responsibility lying upon the lawyers, the legal systems and the judiciaries of the entire world.” (p.258).

Incorporating religion into law as a formidable force to combat the threats to the environment is a sine qua non to rein in individual nations refusing to recognize the anthropogenic (man-made) causes of global warming. Judge Weeramantry has raised his voice in time for the Copenhagen summit to take note of a legally binding contract.

By and large, the current intellectual climate is to ignore religion as a viable force that can address issues like the threat to environment. Judge Weeramantry combines both law and religion as the new force that can contain the impending threat of global warming. He sees religion playing a more dynamic role if it is restored to its original status as a law-maker. In his book, Tread Lightly on Earth, he has marshaled substantial evidence from primary religious sources to emphasize the urgent need to go back to the roots of human ethics if humanity is to advance into the future.

Concluded.

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