Adorable odd couple

Chimp's maternal instincts awakened as she feeds milk to a baby tiger

(July 31, London, Sri Lanka Guardian) They are humans' closest relative, sharing a similar genetic make-up and displaying behaviour not unlike our own.

Now this little chimpanzee is showing off a motherly instinct to rival even the most maternal of mankind.

These adorable images reveal the close bond that has formed between a two-year-old chimpanzee called Do Do and a two-month-old tiger cub called Aorn.

Scroll down to see a video of the chimp and tiger cub playing together




Maternal instinct: A two-year-old chimpanzee called Do Do feeds milk to Aorn, a two-month-old tiger cub

Completely at ease in each other's company, the ape's motherly instincts take over as she attentively bottle feeds the baby tiger.

Aorn gratefully laps up the milk as Do Do tenderly holds the tiger in her arms.

At one point, Do Do puts the bottle in her own mouth - almost mimicking the actions of a human mother checking to see if the milk is suitable for her offspring to consume.

For some unexplained reason Do Do is wearing a pair of denim shorts - perhaps to protect her thighs from Aorn's claws.

They were photographed at Samut Prakan Crocodile Farm and Zoo on the outskirts of Bangkok, Thailand.


Bonding: The animals both live at Samut Prakan Crocodile Farm and Zoo on the outskirts of Bangkok


For some unexplained reason Do Do is wearing a pair of denim shorts - perhaps to protect her thighs from Aorn's claws

The crocodile farm, used as a tourist attraction, houses some 80,000 crocodiles and is the largest in Thailand.

Its owners claim to hold the largest captive crocodile, measuring an astonishing six metres long and weighing 2,465lbs.

Regular crocodile shows are staged during which zookeepers place their heads inside the reptiles' mouths.

However, the farm doesn't just contain crocodiles.

As you'd expect from these pictures, monkeys and tigers also live there, alongside elephants, lions, horses and hippopotamuses.


Heat test: Do Do drinks some of the milk, perhaps to make sure the temperature is okay for the tiger cub


Aorn gratefully laps up the milk as Do Do tenderly holds the tiger in her arms

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Freedom of media continues to be under threat despite end of war

(July 31, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) The freedom of expression and of the media received another brutal blow with the murderous assault on senior journalist and news editor of the Uthayan newspaper, Gnanasundaram Kuganathan, in Jaffna on Friday. He is now in a critical condition in the intensive care unit of Jaffna Hospital with head injuries due to blows from iron bars. The victim had previously been targeted by assailants who stormed the Uthayan office in May 2006, asked for him by name and, having failed to find him, killed two other staff members. Only recently he had started residing outside of the Uthayan office, believing that the security climate in Jaffna had improved and impunity no longer reigned so that he could live a relatively normal life. But he was mistaken, and the attack on him will remind all journalists of what their fate could be if they cross an unknown line and overly anger those in positions of power.

Once again the attack on a journalist, in which the assailants have escaped, has taken place in close proximity to a military sentry point on a main road in Jaffna which has a very heavy presence of military personnel. This is reminiscent of the slaying of Sunday Leader editor Lasantha Wickrematunge on a main road in Colombo near a military checkpoint in 2009 and of the arson attack on Lanka E News in 2010. The failure of the law enforcement authorities to apprehend the assailants is an indictment of the regime of law enforcement that is armed with emergency powers but still fails to protect citizens, especially media persons and those critical of the government. The Uthayan newspaper is owned by a member of the opposition TNA that was victorious at the recently concluded local government elections in Jaffna. It has been systematically targeted with another of its journalists being physically assaulted earlier this year.

What is particularly deplorable about these several attacks on journalists is the impunity with which they are carried out. A code of silence, a facade of investigations and a failure to prosecute suspects are the main characteristics of this impunity. None of the killings or attacks on media institutions have been solved. This has led to a climate of fear and self-censorship within journalists and also the larger society. This is not democracy where fundamental freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution are protected by the Government of the day. The National Peace Council therefore urges the Government to take immediate and convincing steps to protect the media in order to safeguard the democratic rights of the people. We also express our solidarity with those journalists who are courageously committed to revealing ground realities and the truth and to risking their lives in the service of the right to information. Those who risk their lives to uphold public freedom are especially deserving of our appreciation and support.

A Statement issued by the National Peace Council

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TULF condemns the assault on journalist Kuganathan

(July 31, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) The Tamil United Liberation Front strongly condemns the attempt to murder the news editor of the Tamil National Daily Uthayan Mr. G. Kuganathan on Friday night. This is not the first time that Mr. Kuganathan had faced this ordeal. On an earlier occasion too an armed group broke into his office and demanded to know his whereabouts. Having failed to track him, killed two other innocent employees on the spot and quenched their thirst with their blood

It is very unfortunate that harassment of Journalist, particularly in Jaffna, is on the increase and go on unabated. Further incidents of this nature can be avoided only if the people co-operate in detecting the real offenders. This type of brutality should be stopped forthwith and the Police should go all out to detect the culprits who seem to be of the same gang repeatedly getting engaged in this type of activities, purely for money and not out of any personal animosity on the Journalists.

I also appeal to everybody not to encourage this type of activity and to help to eradicate it for which the co-operation of everybody is very necessary.

We pray for the early recovery of Mr. Kuganathan. 


by V. Anandasangaree 


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Proposal to reduce the number of seats in Parliament for the Jaffna district will aggravate the situation further

An Open letter to the Commissioner of Elections Elections,

by V. Anandasangaree

(July 31, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) I am surprised at your decision to reduce the number of seats in Parliament for the Jaffna District, from nine to six. Let there be no confusion in this matter. I am sure you are referring to the Jaffna Electoral District which is comprised of both the Administrative Districts of Jaffna and Kilinochchi and not the Jaffna District alone.

Before Kilinochchi was carved out of the Jaffna District, it had eleven electorates. The number came down to nine at one stage and no one took serious note of it due to the adverse situation prevailing in the North, at that time. Your decision to bring the number further down from, nine to six, is totally unacceptable. The irony is that in the preparation for Independence in 1948, the first parliament was constituted in 1947. It had seven members out of 95 members elected on first past the post system and six other nominated members to represent the unrepresented interest, totaling 101. Apart from the legality of this matter, how ridiculous it looks for the Jaffna Electoral District to have only six elected members out of 196 elected and 29 selected on the National List. If the number of elected members come down to 6 in 2011 from 7 in 1947, 64 years back, we should concede that something had radically gone wrong. It is your duty to bring it to the notice of His Excellency the President, with your recommendations, to take remedial measures to set things right.

The following factors should be taken into consideration:-

1. Due to displacement, people have settled in various places in the South and have just started returning to their homes.

2. When the voters list, on which you propose taking action, was prepared most people had not returned to their houses.

3. Many are still reluctant to move back for various reasons such as fear, lack of facilities in their homes most of which are still not fit for habitation, failure to resettle in high security zones and houses retained by the army for various reasons by force, refusing permission for the owners to resettle.

4. Many have no means of living and none had been compensated for any of their losses including for lives lost.

5. No statistics are available about the people who died during the war and of those missing and abducted persons etc. These details would not have been available when the voters’ lists were prepared.

6. The chief breadwinners of many families are still in detention resulting in people showing reluctances to get back home, without proper security.

7. Since steps are being taken to have a general census, a delimitation commission can follow as provided in the former constitution and the decision can be left in the hands of the commission.

8. Above all your proposal will only aggravate the situation and will distance finding a solution to the ethnic problem.

Therefore I strongly urge you to recommend to the Government to have the status quo maintained till absolute normalcy is restored and the unauthorized settlements are withdrawn. The best and the most reasonable solution is to maintain the status quo and to recommend to the Government for sealing of the number at 225 until next delimitation takes place following the census.

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Do Not Take The Tamils To Be Fools

Illegal Posters

by S. Ratnajeevan H. Hoole

Senathirajah Outperforms SJV; Devananda Spins

(July 31, Jaffna, Sri Lanka Guardian) Minister Douglas Devananda, addressing the press from Sridhar Theatre which he “nationalized” and occupies as his own, says that the Local Government elections of 23 July have “abundantly proved the Tamil people’s confidence in the government.” On the contrary, the election results were a rout for him and a resounding success for Mavai Senathirajah, a rare Mr. Clean in politics today, who worked quietly without the normal posters and public meetings to garner a percentage share of the vote which even SJV Chelvanayagam did not muster in 1977. And this with massive electoral fraud by the PA-EPDP combined – buying votes, intimidation including assaults by the army, chasing off polling officials and election observers, etc. Even Prof. P. Balasundarmapillai, closely associated with Devananda as his advisor, admitted to me on 22 July in Colombo that “some of the allegations of rigging are true, some are exaggerations.”


Balasundarampillai: Asvisor to Devananda and General Chandrasiri Concedes some Fraud

Cautions for the TNA

Senathirajah   Mr. Clean: Outperforms SJV Chelvanayagam

Yet, despite the resounding success, there are warnings in this for the TNA which contested under the FP symbol. The turnout was low signifying the large number of voters who are dissatisfied with the TNA’s honeymoon with the LTTE. The TNA has diminished credibility over some MPs’ association with the Shabra Ponzi scheme ruining many lives, running off with EPRLF money and joining the LTTE while former colleagues were murdered by the LTTE, children being handed over to the LTTE for training, etc. Senathirajah and Sampanthar have addressed this only partly by kicking out in 2010 then MPs Gajendran, Mrs. Sithambaranathan and Gajendrakumar (the LTTE’s core team in the TNA) before the last election of 2010, where they hardly secured 6000 votes between themselves. Gajendran’s drubbing in 2010 established that his 2004 high preferential vote was by ballot stuffing.

Further repairs were done in 2011 through deals with the TULF’s Anandasangaree and TELO’s Sivajilingam who were asked to contest Poonary and Valvettithurai under the TULF symbol where they performed well. All this paid off handsomely last week. But so long as the tainted MPs remain, Senathirajah cannot claim the moral high ground over Devananda in scams and murders.

Government “Victory” on the islands, being through intimidation, does not count; the FP did not even try.

PA-EPDP Mess up: Running Jaffna as the LTTE did
After the military victory of May 2009 the government had been on the upward swing. Few were surprised therefore when the EPDP captured the Jaffna Municipality in August 2009 and did pretty well at the parliamentary elections in April 2010. So enamoured of the government was a stalwart Federalist who spent time in an LTTE jail that he chided his son for participating in the recent FUTA strike saying it is against the government. I too once admired Devananda – his gumption – in standing up to the LTTE and getting so many votes. Where did such support vanish on the 23rd?

Explained a university teacher who, like others who spoke for this article, did not wish to be quoted out of absolute fear: “We gave them the Municipalty. The UGC appointed all University Councillors from Douglas’ list. And they have ruined both institutions. They deny the mass killings in Mullaivaikal as if we are fools. A simple apology would have been enough. But they take us for granted.” Added a Dean, “Douglas has 600 armed cadres to feed. He needs to make money.”

So the LTTE’s Eelam Bank Executive Gowri Hubert now works out of Sridhar Theatre for Devananda’s Maheswary Trust with exclusive rights over building sand like the LTTE earlier. The LTTE’s preferred contractor in Mullaitivu, Ramathasan, was once with his dreaded brother, PLOTE’s Manickathasan, then with the LTTE, and is now with Devananda. Many at Sridhar Theatre are former LTTE tyrants. They are consistent only in being with the winner to make money.

Sexual Molesters, Fraudsters and the Unqualified for Jaffna University

Shanmugalingam: Unbridled Libido, Touching Students

Devananda successfully recommended totally unaccomplished stooges to be VC. Jaffna’s Associate Professor N. Shanmugalingam sang in praise of Prabhakaran on LTTE TV and then on Devananda’s recommendation was appointed VC by President Rajapakse and then sang for him. This despite a Council inquiry by The Very Rev. Justin Gnaparagasam for being found naked with a student in his office and several credible allegations like an elderly English Lecturer almost jumping out of a trishaw in Colombo when he accosted her for sex on official work.


S. Mohanadas: A Retired Associate Professor: Improperly listed by the UGC as full Professor

The present VC, Vasanthy Arasaratnam as then Dean, was severely indicted by the Auditor General who queried Jaffna’s then VC, Associate Professor S. Mohanadas (also recommended by Devananda) about “Unauthorized payment for the procurement of Computer Network Facilities to the Medical Faculty” (His Ref. NE/JF/A/JU/2004), adding “The Dean … has deviated from the procurement procedure … and ordered equipment at a total cost of Rs. 3,000,000 whereas the procurement by a Dean is limited to Rs. 100,000. When the availability of grants was Rs. 963,000 order was placed for Rs. 3,000,000. No tender/quotation was called … to obtain the lowest and efficient bid. A sum of Rs. 722,550 … had been paid without any supporting documents. … The price quoted by Delven Computer had been reduced to half of the original prices after negotiation made subsequently. It shows that the price had been quoted arbitrarily. ... All equipment purchased was not installed. … The entire expenditure incurred could be considered irregular, unauthorized and fruitless.”

Mohanadas issued no punishment. The President has appointed Devananda’s friend Mohanadas to the UGC as the unofficial Tamil Member as if an Associate Professor with one foreign journal paper is the best the Tamils have. The UGC lists Mohanadas as “Professor” to hide the inappropriate presidential appointment.

Such appointments served the government and, in its time, the LTTE well because unqualified appointees are pliant. Others of equally inadequate capacity made common cause with these VC’s to become professors in violation of the ordinances, and together now dominate Jaffna’s Senate. The political authorities do not care if the people at the helm are academically very ordinary or womanizers or fraudsters so long as they are obedient. The university is in ruins as Devananda spreads his tentacles. Tamils are angry. Many Tamils think it is deliberate.

Council to Look after Devananda – Euroville
In the best of times the UGC consults various stakeholders and puts together a representative group of appointed University Councillors. Unfortunately for Tamils, the UGC irresponsibly rubber stamped the 13 persons nominated by Devananda. These 13 are summoned to Sridhar Theatre where before most Council meetings, he issues instructions.

These 13 therefore look after Devananda’s interests and not the University’s or the public’s. Ramathasan is one of these 13 who come to Sridhar Theatre whenever summoned, even at odd hours at short notice. His company, Euroville, has been awarded at least Rs. 300 million in construction contracts by the University where, as a Councillor, he is his own supervisor and likely has privileged information on bids. At other councils a member who wishes to work for the university is asked to resign first.

Euroville does many projects for the government in Jaffna. My engineering students testify to its questionable practices. As Chemmany Road was widened, a priest states that excavated sand was sold to private builders. Without refill, the road edges have a drop causing accidents.

Some iron once disappeared from Euroville’s site at our Medical Faculty. Prof. S. Tharmaratnam (then of the Council), persistently asked questions but received no answers. No outside Councillor was prepared to inquire. Finally Tharmaratnam asked for the documents but was given files with pages missing. Ultimately the university’s Works Engineer was fined Rs. 20,000.

Recently some allegedly damaged goods were being taken off campus with a pass on Euroville letterhead rather than the University’s, signed by the Works Engineer and the Acting Registrar Anpananthan. When the Security Guard stopped it saying that the goods were not damaged and the pass out of order, Anpananthan took the unusual step of going personally to the gate and ordering the goods released. The guard refused. The unions fought the Security Guard’s cause.

The university is the thief’s dreamland. You misappropriate. If you get away, you are rich. If you are caught, you replace what you stole with no punishment. Imagine now the possibilities as the same Works Engineer supervises the Rs. 300 million project by Euroville!

In exchange, stooge officials do as commanded. Thus Arasaratnam condemned the UN Report as untrue and a mere attempt at regime change. When the EPDP could not get its own person elected as student union leader as the LTTE once did, the campus was declared out of bounds for the elected person based on a questionable inquiry and order. When the angry students urged the public to vote for the FP, Arasaratnam claimed on Devananda’s Dan TV, joined by 2 persons claiming to be students, that there is no union. It now seems that the two are not students.

Devananda’s Religious Card

Devananda had already played the religious card in denying Jaffna’s mayorship to Mangalanesan, a Christian well below Devananda’s Vellala caste, who had secured the highest preferential vote in municipal elections. Devananda had assaulted Mangalanesan in front of his family when he protested and locked him up at Sridhar Theatre till the present mayor was safely installed. He played the religious card again when I was up for appointment as VC in telling the President that if I were appointed, Hindus would be angry with him. Kandiah Neelakandan, Mrs. Kumar Ponnambalam and the present Dean of Medicine Prof. K. Sivapalan (who had vanished from the university for years to work full-time for the LTTE) echoed these sentiments. Subsequently, says M. Sivajilingam, Neelakandan voted for the Bar Association’s resolution condemning the UN Report and Sivapalan testified at the LLRC against the LTTE. Devananda repeated the President’s claim that there were zero casualties in 2009.

Corrupt Local Councils

Similarly the municipality recently violated all rules in awarding a massive building contract which after the noise had to be cancelled. In an emerging nexus between business and politicians to expand regardless of cultural considerations, hotels are authorized with Prof. Balasundarampillai’s dutiful support on yet to be explored archaeological territory at the last Jaffna King’s palace grounds. Another close to the historic Dutch Fort is said to have plans to pump sewage into the ground water. At the famous Mun Kumbaan Beach (Sand Dunes Beach) which also is under an EPDP Council, the dunes have been sold off and an LTTE cemetery razed to the ground for John Keells to build a supermarket.

Tamils not Ungrateful – Merely want Responsive Government
It is obvious why the government which does not understand us Tamils was routed. The South talks of our ingratitude. But we are not LTTE lovers. We simply do not like corrupt, oppressive governments. Some of us did not oppose corrupt Tamil totalitarianism then, only to support corrupt Sinhalese totalitarianism now, even if fronted by a Tamil. We want the government to be responsive to our needs and feelings before it asks for out vote. We are not toilet paper to be used and thrown away.

Our institutions are to be built up, not used for politics. Does the President who ruins our best institutions through key appointments, really care for us? We are people with feelings, feelings reflected in our vote. He must work with us, the people and our representatives, not Devananda who brings him only ruin.

Acknowledgments: Kayts/Velanai photos by Jesse Bauman, a Political Theory graduate student at McGill University, Montreal.

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India-Sri Lanka Parliamentary Friendship Group in the Indian Parliament Formed

(July 31, New Delhi, Sri Lanka Guardian) The formation of the India-Sri Lanka Parliamentary Friendship Group in the 15th Lok Sabha has been announced. The announcement coincides with the bilateral visit to India by the Speaker of the Sri Lankan Parliament, Hon. Chamal Rajapaksa, with a group of Parliamentarians comprising Ministers Dinesh Gunawardena, W.D.J. Senewiratne and Risad Badhiutheen and MPs Muthu Sivalingam, Rajiva Wijesinha, Malani Fonseka, Selvam Adaikkalanathan and D.M. Swaminandan.

The India-Sri Lanka Parliamentary Friendship Group in the Indian Parliament comprises Members from both Houses, the Lok Sabha (the House of the People) and the Rajya Sabha (the Council of States) representing a cross-section of political parties. Following established practice in the Indian Parliament, the group comprises exclusively of Members of Parliament who do not hold cabinet portfolios.

Shri Kumar Deepak Das, a Rajya Sabha MP representing the Asom Gono Parishad, serves as the President of the 22 member Group. The Group comprises MPs from the Indian National Congress, the Bharatiya Janata Party, Biju Janata Dal, Bahujan Samaj Party, Janata Dal (United), Communist Party of India (Marxist), Telugu Desam Party, All India Democratic United Front, Bahujan Vikas Aaghadi, Shiromani Akali Dal, All India Trinamool Congress as well as one Independent MP.

The Members of the Group are scheduled to meet the Speaker of the Sri Lankan Parliament and delegation on 2 August in the Parliament House of India. High Commissioner Prasad Kariyawasam will host a Reception at the Sri Lanka High Commission to celebrate the formation of the Group and to welcome Speaker Chamal Rajapaksa and the delegation. Several Members of the Indian Parliament, especially from Tamil Nadu, and local and international media personnel will attend the Reception.

The formation of this Group in the Indian Parliament is an important step in forging stronger ties between the Indian Parliamentarians and their Sri Lankan counterparts. This will provide an opportunity for greater interaction between the Parliamentarians of the two countries and for visits leading to better understanding and appreciation of prospects, challenges and opportunities for exploring solutions to common problems. 

-A Statement issued by the Ministry of External Affairs, Colombo 

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Holding back popular rebellion

As we have seen in the past, this responsibility is shrugged aside in the north and east as well as elsewhere. When tremendous public discontent is evidenced, as in the case of the Katunayake Free Trade Zone attacks, a committee of inquiry is appointed and in other instances, a Commission of Inquiry is established. Yet the government’s stringent duties of investigation, prosecution and punishment under the normal criminal law are disregarded. In the meantime, reports of committees and commissions come to naught. We do not even see their contents.

by Kishali Pinto Jayawardene


(July 31, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) During the past week, we have seen an incongruous if not remarkably imaginative theory being propounded by government propagandists. In brief, this theory attempts to interpret the defeat of the ruling party in local government elections in the north and the east to vindicate the argument that the regime is committed to a democratic Sri Lanka.

Their contention per se is that if the regime was as anti-democratic as is made out by its (apparently) overly excitable critics, then a victory for the government in these areas would have been secured by hook or by crook, as is said in common parlance. But, as they argue, the fact that this was not the case only goes to show that the state of democratic governance in the country is not bad as it is made out to be.

Fundamental irregularities in the electoral process

This theory is remarkably imaginative at several different levels. Most obviously, it bypasses the fact that the recent local government elections, was not even remotely satisfactory when assessed against universal standards of free and fair elections. As much as all elections in Sri Lanka, whether national, provincial or local government, are tainted by intimidation, thuggery and extensive use of state resources by the ruling party, this latest election too displayed these traits in unfortunate abundance.

We may accept these fundamental electoral irregularities as inevitable with scarcely a murmur. This indicates only that we have abandoned our sense of what is democratically right. It certainly does not mean that this country’s electoral administration or plain governance is all that it should be. Surely the surfacing of the dead bodies of people who have been ‘disappeared’ even two years after the ending of active fighting in these areas, the continued abductions of persons and the attacks on journalists, tell a different story? The severe assault of the Uthayan’s news editor this Friday is just the most recent case in point.

As has been frequently stated in these column spaces, it is not enough for the government to maintain that its officers, police or the military, are not responsible for these attacks. On the contrary, it is a duty cast on the government to investigate these occurrences according to law and take all preventive measures possible.

But as we have seen in the past, this responsibility is shrugged aside in the north and east as well as elsewhere. When tremendous public discontent is evidenced, as in the case of the Katunayake Free Trade Zone attacks, a committee of inquiry is appointed and in other instances, a Commission of Inquiry is established. Yet the government’s stringent duties of investigation, prosecution and punishment under the normal criminal law are disregarded. In the meantime, reports of committees and commissions come to naught. We do not even see their contents.

Singularly dishonest argument

Quite apart from this now habitual democratic dysfunctionality, to contend that the results of the local government elections in the former war torn areas testifies to the government’s democratic credentials is both oxymoronic and profoundly dishonest.

This Presidency has been singularly able in bringing about the almost wholesale defeat of the opposition, the silencing of its internal critical party voices and the general tethering of the media, the judiciary, professionals, civil society and the trade unions. Most relevantly, albeit uncomfortably, it has managed to do this not only by brute force or by a totally unscrupulous lack of respect for the Constitution as seen by a despicable 18th Amendment but also through a combination of street smart tactics and shrewd political maneuvering. This is something that detractors of the incumbent President who like to focus on his deceptively homespun Medamulana roots may not readily concede. Nevertheless, this remains a reality.

In effect, even though we certainly had Presidential authoritarianism in the past, Presidential rule post 2005 was executed to an extent that exceeded even those previous excesses. But this execution was calculatedly and not frivolously planned. The administration’s reaction to the now shelved pension bill shows its street savvy sense very evidently. This is not a government that can be dismissed for its bullyboy tactics, however much we may see it thumbing its nose at the United Nations, among others and justifiably shudder at the sheer crudity of these gestures.

Failing of street savvy tactics in the north and east

For most of the post war period, this shrewd and calculated combination of street savvy tactics succeeded in crippling any viable opposition. For example, though significant electoral irregularities during the Presidential and Parliamentary elections last year undoubtedly impacted on the numerical counts of the vote, maintaining that a different electoral result would have resulted was a more complex question, given the political mood at that time.

Yet the reason why this calculatedly anti-democratic strategic combination failed in the north and east this month is not because the government magnanimously permitted free and fair elections as its ludicrously optimistic defenders would like us to think. On the contrary, it was because two missing elements in the balance of power in the rest of the country were present in these former conflict areas and prevailed over all other considerations. First, the Tamil people were in no mood to be won over by superficial rhetoric which sought to replace genuine post war reconciliation needs with a development drive that resulted in the filling of the coffers of the politically powerful while doling out small concessions for the communities. As one woman voter in Jaffna said to a wire service after the polls ‘"Since the war ended, we feel Tamils are being treated like slaves…I am not saying that the LTTE did better, but we are not comfortable now" (Reuters, July 29, 2011).

Second, many of the Tamil voters saw a political party which they could vote for in opposition as representing their interests, however limited that choice may have been. The fact that the rest of the mainstream opposition fared so miserably is unsurprising given their total lack of direction and leadership.

Of course, abandoning its combination of charm and threats (largely successful electorally in 2010), the government may have gone all out and done a ‘Wayamba’ style election in the north and the east this time around. But given the current regional and international dynamics, this would have been unwise to the highest extent possible. And whatever may be believed of this administration, the risks it runs are far from being foolhardy. Likewise, we may anticipate the means that it will now inevitably employ to make sure that the local government results are not converted to a threat politically.

It may also not always be possible for the government to cling onto that exceedingly useful international war crimes cry. Even in the absence of an effective opposition therefore, it may become increasingly difficult for the regime to hold back popular rebellion.

Warning that past tactics may not always hold good

So when we are requested to take notice of the government’s democratic credentials in ‘permitting’ a free and fair local government election in the north and east, it is difficult not to rudely snigger. The fact of the matter is that this was the first major occasion on which the government realized that its strategies may not work in terms of controlling electoral opinion. This is a warning that it will do well to take heed of. Post elections, political analysts have dwelt on the polarization of political opinion between the north and the east and the rest of the country. There may be some truth in this. Yet the perception that the electorate outside the north and east continues to be solidly behind the government may not necessarily continue to be the case.

With increasingly gargantuan corruption, rising economic woes and confrontations with sectors of society ranging from trade unions to university academia, past tactics of capturing public opinion may not always hold good. In discussions mid this week with some practitioners of the Matara Bar for example, considerable disaffection with the way that the country is being run, (emanating even from those who supported this regime at last year’s polls), was clearly evident.

It may also not always be possible for the government to cling onto that exceedingly useful international war crimes cry. Even in the absence of an effective opposition therefore, it may become increasingly difficult for the regime to hold back popular rebellion. And it is certainly opportune for President Mahinda Rajapakse at least now, to realize the value of safeguarding constitutional democracy for the good of his own administration, if the good of the country is no longer a persuasive reason.

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The damning of Tony Blair

  • Former PM to be held to account on Iraq in Chilcot report on war
  • Iraq war deal 'signed in blood' by former Prime Minister
  • Cabinet members kept in the dark in build-up to the war
  • 'Obvious failings' in post-war planning

by Simon Walters

(July 31, London, Sri Lanka Guardian) Tony Blair is to face scathing criticism from the official inquiry into the Iraq War for the role he played in leading Britain into one of its biggest foreign policy fiascos in modern history.

The Mail on Sunday has been told that the former Prime Minister will be held to account on four main failings:

* Bogus claims that were made about Saddam Hussein’s weapons of mass destruction.

* Not telling the British public about his secret pledge with George Bush to go to war.

* Keeping the Cabinet in the dark by his ‘sofa government’ style.

*Failing to plan to avoid the post-war chaos in Iraq.

The damning verdict of the Chilcot Inquiry comes eight years after Tony Blair went to war against Saddam Hussein with George Bush

Well-placed sources say the reputations of Mr Blair and key allies will suffer major damage when the report by Sir John Chilcot’s Iraq War inquiry is published this autumn.

Mr Blair, former Foreign Secretary Jack Straw and ex-Downing Street spin doctor Alastair Campbell are all expected to be criticised.

All those taken to task by Chilcot’s five-strong panel of experts will receive notice in the next few weeks of the inquiry’s conclusions.

They will be given a final chance to respond to their alleged failings before the report is finalised. Although it has not yet been written, clear indications have been given as to which areas it will focus on.

The damning verdict of the Chilcot Inquiry comes eight years after Mr Blair went to war against Saddam Hussein with George Bush.

A total of 179 British soldiers died in Iraq while estimates for the number of Iraqi dead vary from 100,000 to 650,000.

Although Saddam was toppled within weeks, the invasion led to a bloody aftermath and there were claims that it contributed to increased terrorism in the UK and elsewhere.

In evidence, a defiant Tony Blair said he had no regrets about the war and maintained Britain would ultimately be able to look back on it with 'immense pride'

The Chilcot Inquiry, set up by then Prime Minister Gordon Brown two years ago, is the third inquiry into the conflict. It followed the Butler Inquiry into the intelligence failings and the Hutton Inquiry into the death of Ministry of Defence weapons expert Dr David Kelly.

Inquiry chairman, former civil servant Sir John Chilcot, 72, was asked to conduct a more searching investigation spanning the period from 2001, two years before the war, right through to 2009.

The Mail on Sunday understands that the inquiry rounds on Mr Blair for telling Parliament that intelligence suggesting Saddam had WMDs was ‘beyond doubt’.

In evidence, a defiant Mr Blair said he had no regrets about the war and maintained Britain would ultimately be able to look back on it with ‘immense pride’.

But he admitted he had misunderstood the claim in a Downing Street dossier that Saddam could launch WMDs in 45 minutes.

Ex-Downing Street spin doctor Alastair Campbell (left with Tony Blair) is also expected to be criticised in the report

He also conceded there was not a ‘growing’ threat from Saddam in the autumn of 2002 – despite stating precisely that in the Commons before the war.

The inquiry report is also expected to criticise spin doctor Mr Campbell, whose denial that the dossier on Saddam’s weapons was designed to ‘make the case for war’ was challenged by former spy chief Major-General Michael Laurie, who was head of intelligence collection for the Defence Intelligence Agency.

Major-General Laurie told the inquiry two months ago: ‘Alastair Campbell said the purpose of the dossier was not “to make a case for war”. I had no doubt at that time this was exactly its purpose and these very words were used.

Although Saddam Hussein was toppled within weeks, the invasion led to a bloody aftermath in Iraq

‘We knew at the time that its purpose was precisely to make a case for war, rather than setting out the available intelligence. I and those involved in its production saw it exactly as that, and that was the direction we were given.’

And earlier this month an unnamed MI6 officer said Mr Campbell acted like ‘an unguided missile’ in work on the intelligence dossier.

The spin doctor had ‘a propensity to have rushes of blood to the head and pass various stories and information to journalists without appropriate prior consultation’.

The inquiry is also understood to focus on the way that Mr Blair privately told Mr Bush more than a year before the conflict that he would back the war, while claiming in public he had not made up his mind.

Mr Blair denied that a deal to go to war had been ‘signed in blood’ at President Bush’s Texas ranch in 2002. He said they merely agreed to ‘deal’ with Saddam.

However, a rift between Mr Blair and Mr Straw over whether the UK supported ‘regime change’ will also feature prominently in Chilcot’s conclusions.

Furthermore, Mr Straw is in the line of fire after saying he only ‘very reluctantly’ endorsed the war, but ignored warnings from Foreign Office legal advisers that it was illegal.

Sir Michael Wood, former senior legal adviser at the Foreign Office, said he considered resigning in protest at the war and was sidelined after he objected.

Mr Blair’s ‘sofa government’ style, whereby key decisions on the war were made in his study by a small circle of confidants – with most Cabinet Ministers and officials excluded – is also expected to be condemned.

Sir John Chilcot's Iraq War inquiry is published this autumn

Former Cabinet Secretaries Lord Wilson and Lord Turnbull, who both served under Mr Blair, told of their failed pleas to Mr Blair to rely on traditional Cabinet committees.

Lord Turnbull said the Cabinet was not asked to approve the war until the eve of the invasion in March 2003, by which time they were ‘imprisoned’ and had little choice but to agree – or see Mr Blair ousted.

The failure to anticipate the post-war turmoil that followed Saddam’s defeat is believed to be another major part of Chilcot’s conclusions.

The inquiry heard how Major-General Tim Cross, a senior British officer, asked Mr Blair to delay the invasion of Iraq two days before the conflict, partly because planning for afterwards was ‘woefully thin’.

Major-General Cross said: ‘I remember saying, in so many words, I have no doubt at all that we will win this military campaign. I do not believe that we are ready for post-war Iraq.’

When he arrived in Baghdad after the war, things were worse than he expected. ‘Baghdad was held together by chicken wire and chewing gum,’ he said.

Last night sources close to Mr Blair said that they were aware of the kind of criticism he was likely to face.

A spokesman for the Chilcot Inquiry said: ‘We will not provide a running commentary on the inquiry.’ A source close to the inquiry said reports that Mr Blair would be heavily criticised were ‘speculation’.

A spokesman for Tony Blair said: ‘This is a deliberate attempt to pre-judge a report that hasn't even been written yet.

'We're not going comment until it has been published.’


How Chilcot put Blair on the rack


IRAQ WAR DEAL ‘SIGNED IN BLOOD’ BY BLAIR

The inquiry pursued a claim that a deal was ‘signed in blood’ by Mr Blair at Mr Bush’s ranch in Crawford, Texas, in 2002, a year before the war – while Mr Straw denied regime change was considered.

Panel member Sir Roderic Lyne asked Mr Straw: ‘What Mr Blair said about Crawford was very simple – Saddam either had a change of heart or regime change was on the agenda. He says it is on the agenda, you say it was off. Weren’t you and the Prime Minister aiming for different objectives?’


SOFA GOVERNMENT

Inquiry member Sir Lawrence Freedman challenged the way Cabinet Ministers were kept in the dark in the build-up to the war.
His colleague Sir Roderic said: ‘Would the board of any company ever be asked to take collective responsibility for a major strategic decision without a single paper or discussion in a board committee?’


DODGY INTELLIGENCE DOSSIERS

Sir John Chilcot said Mr Blair’s claim that the secret services had established ‘beyond doubt’ that Saddam had WMD ‘was not possible to make on the basis of intelligence’.

When Mr Blair insisted: ‘I did believe it, frankly, beyond doubt,’ Sir Lawrence said: ‘Beyond your doubt, but beyond anybody’s doubt?’ Sir Roderic suggested Mr Blair had ‘misled Parliament’.



POST-WAR BLUNDERS

Inquiry member Baroness Prashar questioned Mr Blair on ‘obvious failings’ in post-war planning. There was ‘so much concentration on the (military) campaign planning that attention wasn’t paid to the aftermath.’

She told Mr Straw: ‘The U.S. was dysfunctional . . . yet we continued to assume they would sort it out. It wasn’t for want of people drawing it to the attention of the Prime Minister. Why did we not pay enough attention to that?’




Courtesy: Daily Mail

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Judge accused of 'pathetic bullying' by estranged wife

Britain's top divorce judge uses his own courts to ban his wife from discussing their divorce



by Stephanie Condron

Mr Payout: Sir Nicholas Mostyn has been accused of 'pathetic bullying' by his estranged wife Lady Mostyn

(July 31, London, Sri Lanka Guardian) One of the most senior family judges in England and Wales claims to have obtained an order to stop his wife speaking publicly about their marriage break-up.

However, Sir Nicholas Mostyn’s lawyers are refusing to say which court granted the order, or give any detail of its terms.
Sir Nicholas demanded his wife Lucy agree to a series of undertakings issued by his lawyers. But Lady Mostyn refused and later told friends that the attempt to silence her amounted to ‘pathetic bullying’.

Her husband, one of Britain’s best-known divorce lawyers before being appointed a judge, left her for a barrister, Elizabeth Saunders, last November. Mrs Saunders’s barrister husband Mark was shot dead by police in a siege in 2008.

Last night Sir Nicholas’s solicitor, Roger Bamber, said an order had been obtained ‘preventing information being released to the Press’. Unusually, however, he declined to show it to The Mail on Sunday or elaborate further.

On Friday, extensive inquiries by this newspaper at the Royal Courts of Justice in London failed to establish if an order had been granted. Earning up to £500 an hour, Sir Nicholas, 54, earned the nickname Mr Payout because of the large sums he won for wives.

His past clients have included Sir Paul McCartney in his divorce from Heather Mills. But friends of Lady Mostyn say the couple’s own divorce battle is now threatening to become as rancorous as the former Beatle’s.

The Mail on Sunday understands that the judge’s lawyers, Mills & Reeve, demanded six undertakings from Lady Mostyn after she raised concerns about the way the case was being handled. In particular she was aggrieved that the case had been assigned to a regional judge.

Some weeks ago she lodged the divorce petition with the Principal Registry in High Holborn, the country’s divorce headquarters, and was expecting it to be heard by a judge in London.

The Mail on Sunday understands that Mr Justice Wood, of the High Court Family Division, was originally assigned to handle the case. Yet it appears that because Sir Nicholas is acquainted with so many judges, having worked in the Family Division for so long, it was thought prudent to pass the case to a judge outside London.

Concerned: Lady Mostyn fears losing the grand family home in Berkhamstead set in hundreds of acres

After learning that it is now expected to be heard at Taunton in Somerset, Lady Mostyn told one friend last week she had been ‘stitched up by the judiciary’.

Among the undertakings demanded by her husband was not to communicate directly with him until after the divorce. Another insisted, inexplicably according to friends of Lady Mostyn, that she does not use violence.

Later, Mills & Reeve dropped five of their demands and instead presented Lady Mostyn with an ultimatum. Demanding that she reply no later than 4pm on Friday, they asked for an undertaking not to speak to the Press about the divorce until after it was finalised.

Again Lady Mostyn declined to agree. What happened next is unclear. Mr Bamber, of Mills & Reeve, refused to say when and by whom the order was granted, or even disclose anything beyond the fact that it prevented Lady Mostyn speaking to the Press.

The couple’s joint assets run into millions of pounds. They have a Grade II-listed home in Little Berkhamsted, Hertfordshire, with hundreds of acres, which Lady Mostyn is concerned she may lose.

New love: Elizabeth Saunders and Sir Nicholas Mostyn were pictured for the first time in February of this year

On Wednesday, she told friends: ‘I am being totally stitched up by the judiciary in having my case shunted off to Taunton. I am not getting justice at all. They can’t even trust their own judiciary to be even-handed or independent.’

In a moment of frustration, she told her husband she was going to talk to newspapers and reveal what she thought was a ‘total scandal’.

Court officials had already said that the divorce would need careful handling because of his position. His paperwork was being kept in the ‘celebrity cabinet’ at the Principal Registry – under tighter security than normal to prevent anyone from gossiping about the case.

Sian Fox, deputy court manager, said that high-profile divorce petitions were routinely kept in the cabinet. ‘It’s under lock and key with the senior Judge, Waller’s, PA,’ she said.

‘The paperwork is not on the shelf with the others. Only certain people with authority can look at it.There might be a celebrity that everyone knows about and they read the file and find some information and tell their friends and it gets out to the press and we have to have certain restrictions who can access those files.’

On Friday, emergency injunction hearings were being heard all afternoon at Court 37 at the High Court. A clerk said he had been told by the listings office that there may be an emergency injunction hearing relating to Sir Nicholas’s divorce.

Star names: Sir Paul McCartney was a client of Mostyn's when he divorced Heather Mills

He added: ‘I just heard from listings there may be a Mostyn hearing, but nothing has turned up. If he does not turn up now, he will have to get the injunction using the duty judge which is done over the phone.’

By Friday night, having failed to sign any undertaking, Lady Mostyn was left guessing as to whether an injunction had been granted.

She had told a friend in a text: ‘It was just pathetic bullying.’

The Principal Registry told The Mail on Sunday this month that Sir Nicholas’s divorce would be treated no differently from any other.

Sir Nicholas was once described as the ‘scariest barrister in Britain’. He won £5million for Melissa Miller, wife of a City fund manager after a marriage of less than three years with no children.

In 2004, England footballer Ray Parlour’s ex-wife Karen was awarded £4 million after he successfully argued she was entitled to a share of his future earnings.

The judge’s new partner is the widow of Mark Saunders who was the barrister shot dead by police during a siege in May 2008 in Markham Square, West London.

Mrs Saunders, 42, is said to have worked closely with Sir Nicholas on cases in the past.

There is no suggestion their affair began before the death of her husband, but it is thought they were seeing each other when she attended the inquest into Mr Saunders’s shooting in October.

Couresty: Daily Mail

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Cuba's Revolution & LTTE's Lost Game

Morality & Solidarity

After following liberated Cuba for half-a-century, having lived and worked there for eight years, I find that during its guerrilla struggle, from December 2, 1956 to January 1, 1959 the revolutionaries acted in a moral manner. Cuba's revolutionary armed struggle was exceptional in this way. As Fidel told Ramonet, "We did not kill any prisoners", "not even one blow" was dealt. That is "our principle"; "All revolutionary thought begins with a bit of ethics."


by Ron Ridenour

(July 31, Geneva, Sri Lanka Guardian) Fifty-eight years ago, on July 26, 1953, 160 Cuban rebels attacked Moncada Barracks near Santiago de Cuba. Had the rebels been able to take the fort with 1,000 troops—a good possibility—it would have started a revolution that might well have defeated the dictatorial regime of Fulgencio Batista within a short time.

The main cause for failure was a missing vehicle with their heavy weaponry. Nevertheless they were able to cause three times the numbers of casualties that they suffered. Nearly one-half of the rebels were killed but most of them died under or following torture.

After being held for 76 days in isolation without access to reading material, Fidel Castro, the 26-year old leader, came into a courtroom filled with 100 soldiers. He gave a rousing defense of the need for revolution to topple the dictator and change the corrupt and brutal socio-economic system so that all could be fed, obtain education and health care, so that farmers could own land and all have a voice.

In his five-hour speech, Fidel said, "The right of rebellion against tyranny, Honorable Judges, has been recognized from the most ancient times to the present day by men of all creeds, ideas and doctrines."

Instead of asking for acquittal, he demanded to be with his brother and sister rebels in prison.

"Condemn me, it does not matter, history will absolve me!"

Fidel Castro considers ethics and morality to be essential for revolutions. In My Life: Fidel Castro, the 2006 interview book with Ignacio Ramonet, Fidel speaks of these highest principles on numerous occasions. He asserts that "especially ethics" is what he learned most from the national liberation hero, José Martí.

After following liberated Cuba for half-a-century, having lived and worked there for eight years, I find that during its guerrilla struggle, from December 2, 1956 to January 1, 1959 the revolutionaries acted in a moral manner. Cuba's revolutionary armed struggle was exceptional in this way. As Fidel told Ramonet, "We did not kill any prisoners", "not even one blow" was dealt. That is "our principle"; "All revolutionary thought begins with a bit of ethics."

I think that is also the key reason why so many millions of people the world over love and respect Che Guevara: his moral stance, his example as a just revolutionary leader. This from Socialism and Man:

"At the risk of seeming ridiculous, let me say that the true revolutionary is guided by a great feeling of love…Our vanguard revolutionaries must idealize this love of the people, the most sacred cause, and make it one and indivisible…one must have a great deal of humanity and a strong sense of justice and truth in order not to fall into extreme dogmatism and cold scholasticism, into an isolation from the masses. We must strive every day so that this love of living humanity will be transformed into actual deeds, into acts that serve as examples, as a moving force."

I agree with Fidel and Che. Revolutionaries must be ethical in vision and use morality in practice, both at home and in solidarity with the oppressed everywhere. As Fidel told Lee Lockwood in Castro's Cuba, Cuba's Fidel:

"Those who are exploited are our compatriots all over the world; and the exploiters all over the world are our enemies…Our country is really the whole world, and all the revolutionaries of the world are our brothers."

I define ethics in this way: Life shall not be abused or destroyed by our conscious hand—without our being attacked or oppressed beyond limits of toleration. A moral person, organization, political party or government acts in daily life and in the struggle for justice with that ethic in mind. These are my thoughts on morality:

* We act so that no one person, race or ethnic group is either over or under another.

* In combat against oppressors and invaders, we do not kill non-combatant civilians nor forcefully recruit them, or use them as hostages.

* We struggle to create equality for all.

*We abolish all profit-making based upon the exploitation of labor or the oppression of any person, group of people, class or caste. Instead, we build an economy based upon principles of justice and equality, one in which no one goes hungry, sharing equitably our resources and production.

* We struggle to create a political system based upon participation where all have a voice in decision-making about vital matters with relation to local, national and international policies.

We struggle to eliminate alienation in each of us.

Ethics and Sri Lanka Tamils

True solidarity activists have no choice. We must support a people under attack by aggressors wherever in the world. That is what I see as our task as anti-war activists concerning Afghanistan, Iraq, Palestine…just as we did in the wars against Vietnam-Laos-Cambodia and the South Africans…

For us solidarity activists, and governments viewing themselves as progressive-socialist-communist-revolutionary, I believe our task must be to press for the very lives and rights of the Tamil people in Sri Lanka where governments have systematically oppressed and repressed them for half-a-century.

As a solidarity activist—who advocates the right to resist and the necessity to conduct armed struggle once peaceful means fail to change oppressive governments from terrorizing us—I denounce all perpetrators of terrorism, no matter the party or cause, and demand they change tactics to ones that are morally in accordance with our ideology embracing fellowship with justice and equality.

I find that most armed movements commit acts of atrocities, even acts of terror in the long course of warfare. This has sometimes been the case with the Colombian FARC and Palestinian PFLP, for instance. But I support them in their righteous struggle. They are up against much greater military and economic forces that practice state terror endemically. The ANC in South Africa's war for liberation also committed horrendous acts of terrorism.

Most of the dozens of Tamil groups that took up arms, at one time or another, considered themselves Marxists, and many looked up to Che Guevara and Cuba's revolution as an ideal. But they nearly all became terrorists in much of their actions. Hear what Che Guevara meant about the use of violence.

"There are always laggards who remain behind but our function is not to liquidate them, to crush them and force them to bow to an armed vanguard, but to educate them by leading them forward and getting them to follow us because of our example, or as Fidel called it 'moral compulsion.'" (Speech "From Somewhere in the World")

This Sri Lanka Tamil "story" is a tragedy especially for the Tamils; also for the world of humanity. Most people not directly involved, however, do not react because they don't know what they can do. There are so many tragedies going on at the same time. Cynical brutality is constantly unleashed by major capitalist enterprises and their governments in the 'first' world, much of the former 'second' world as well as by national capitalists in the "third" world. We live in what I call the Permanent War Age. Brutality—surveillance—suffering is the norm.

In those countries where there is little brutality, in comparison, and no aggressive war-making (I speak here of the governments of Cuba and other ALBA—Bolivarian Alliance of the Peoples of Our America—countries) the leaders see the necessity of having political ties with some war criminal governments, such as Sri Lanka. I gather that this leads them to ignore their moral solidarity principles and abandon the oppressed Tamils.

On this July 26 day of celebration, I call upon the Cuban government, as well as all members of the ALBA alliance, to return to the moral principles expressed by Fidel and Che and do the right thing by the Tamil people. Call for an independent international investigation into the war crimes committed by the Sri Lankan government, and use your moral clout, your revolutionary record to demand an end to the genocide against this people.

If morality does not become integral to our struggles, I'm afraid we are headed for a worldwide moral collapse, which is already underway due to the intrinsic immorality of capitalism and its imperialism; the foundering of contemporary socialism; and the rise of fascism throughout much of the world.

RON RIDENOUR lives in Denmark. A veteran journalist who has reported in the US and from Venezuela, Cuba and Central America, he has written Cuba at the Crossroads, Backfire: The CIA's Biggest Burn, and Yankee Sandinistas. For more information about Ron and his writing, go to www.ronridenour.com

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An Unhealed Land

Black July was enabled by our collective-denial of the humanity of Tamils. The silent majority regarded Tamils as monsters enabling a violent minority to treat them as such. Our inability to be affected by Tamil suffering during and post-war indicates that that moral failure which enabled the Black July is still with us and within us.

by Tisaranee Gunasekara

“If one harbours anywhere in one’s mind a nationalistic loyalty or hatred, certain facts, though in a sense known to be true, are inadmissible”. Orwell (Notes on Nationalism)

(July 31, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Round II of the local government elections was held, coincidentally, on the 17th anniversary of Black July. Its results embody a stark message: post-war, Sri Lanka remains a politico-psychologically divided land. The Rajapaksas are still popular in the Sinhala-South but utterly unpopular in the Tamil-North.

The Rajapaksas wanted a Northern victory as proof of Tamil-contentment with the status quo. A mix-and-match of bribery and brute force was used to achieve this aim. Killing dogs and dumping excreta intermingled with baby-kissing and freebies. The Mahinda-Basil-Namal trio haunted the North. Huge rallies were held at which the President informed the Tamils how happy they are, post-war.

Attempts at election-theft continued on polling day: “Reports of vote buying, intimidation by armed groups, grabbing of polling cards and a fear psychosis prevented a large number of people from voting in the North… Independent polls monitors said there were blatant violations of election laws…” (The Sunday Times – 24.7.11). The UPFA lost not because the election was unmarred by violence and malpractices but despite such anti-democratic deeds. Had the election been free and fair, the polling would have been higher, the UPFA’s vote lower and its margin of defeat wider.

The Rajapaksa method of electioneering consists of a violence-filled campaign followed by a relative clam on polling day. The manifest failure of this mode in the North indicates the degree of discontent seething under a quiescent-surface among Lankan Tamils. Bereft of even the few trappings of democracy extant in the South, the Northern voters saw the election as the only chance to express their outrage, democratically. This is a protest-vote, the equivalent of a politico-electoral no-confidence vote, and proof-positive that the Rajapaksas’ Northern Spring has been for the Tamils an autumn of disillusionment.

Post-war, the North has experienced a Sinhala-supremacist peace characterised by a glaring absence (no political solution) and a searing presence (a de facto military occupation), augmented by a development model which focuses on mammoth physical-infrastructure projects and de-prioritises the urgent necessities of the war-devastated populace. Had the regime implemented a massive housing programme and focused on job-creation and rebuilding schools/hospitals, the Northern discontent may not have become so intense, even in the absence of a political solution. But without devolution, without pro-people development and without security, what do the Tamils have to look forward to? We are deluding ourselves if we believe that the huge military presence in the North makes Tamils feel safe. Would we in the Sinhala-South feel safe if our localities are ‘guarded’ by armed Tamil soldiers who cannot speak Sinhalese and are all-powerful under the Emergency Rule?

The army is Sri Lankan only nominally; in actuality it is a Sinhala army. The omnipresence of such a military cannot but make Tamils more insecure. If the regime is seriously interested in healing and reconciliation, drastically reducing the Northern military presence is an urgent necessity (after all, the Tigers are no more). A civil administration must be established and the task of maintaining law-and-order handed over to a multi-ethnic police force. These are palliatives which can be implemented while the interminable debate over devolution (including police powers) continues.

The Tamils have signalled democratically their abhorrence of the status quo. Their discontent needs to be understood and addressed, if our future is to be less bathetic than our past.

Shadows from the Past

In a bold reappraisal of Black July, award-winning senior journalist Gamini Akmeemana wrote: “After returning home in 1984, I remember telling a Tamil tenant in my neighbourhood how bad I felt about the whole thing. He didn’t even smile. Giving me a blank look, he quickly disappeared indoors. I felt puzzled then by his behaviour, though now I know that in his place I would have done exactly the same thing. But I belonged to the majority…well meaning but complacent, and hardly in a position to put myself in the lot of a persecuted minority, of someone who has had a family member hacked to death and house burnt down by a ranting mob” (Daily Mirror – 18.7.2011).

Mr. Akmeemana has touched on a perennially important issue – our total incomprehension of the deep insecurity most Tamils feel in the land of their birth. The Black July taught Tamils that they are structurally insecure. This bitter-realisation turned innumerable law-abiding and non-political Tamils into armed cadres willing to fight and die for a state in which they and their kin will not be hounded and killed by marauding mobs just for being Tamil.

The brutal Black July also brutalised the victims, paving the way for a new circle of violence which spared none. The total absence of formal justice for the victims of Black July exacerbated the Tamil armed struggle. When justice is denied revenge becomes attractive. The Tamil perception of the armed groups as instruments of vengeance created a permissive attitude towards atrocities against Sinhala civilians. The resultant abdication of the moral high-ground by the Tamils enabled the ascendance of the Tigers. The Tamils need to deal with their own past errors; this task is clearly beyond the TNA as it is constituted currently and needs to be addressed by organisations such as the UTHR-J. But the task of introspection/self-criticism must be commenced by the Sinhalese, both as the majority community and the victors of the Eelam War (which was also a civil war).

According to Channel 4, two officers who served in the 58th Division have provided eye-witness accounts of the horrors committed during the last days of war and the first days of peace. Last week Channel 4 telecasted parts of their gruesome and harrowing testimonies. The war against the LTTE was unavoidable. But the undeniable monstrousness of the Tigers cannot be used to justify monstrous deeds committed in the necessary war against them. For instance, the regime’s argument that one of the victims, whose naked (and obviously abused) body is shown on the Channel 4 documentary, Ms. Issipriya, was a Tiger cadre and not a journalist is irrelevant. Torture and rape (and killing prisoners) are legally impermissible and morally abhorrent, irrespective of whether the victims are armed-Tigers or unarmed-civilians. In wars such horrific deeds can and do happen, which is why instead of covering ourselves with a threadbare cloak of moral-infallibility we need to make a sincere effort to investigate the war crimes charges. As Slavoj Žižek pointed out, when legal-moral boundary lines are crossed in situations of desperate necessity, it is essential to “retain a sense of guilt, an awareness of the inadmissibility of what we have done” (London Review of Books – 23.5.2002). But such a contrite and apologetic mindset, and the introspection necessary for it, becomes impossible when moral infallibility is taken as the first premise.

Black July was enabled by our collective-denial of the humanity of Tamils. The silent majority regarded Tamils as monsters enabling a violent minority to treat them as such. Our inability to be affected by Tamil suffering during and post-war indicates that that moral failure which enabled the Black July is still with us and within us.

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