By Amnesty International

(November 17, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Activists and supporters of Amnesty International will launch a week of action on Monday highlighting the continued detention of thousands of displaced civilians in government camps in Sri Lanka.

Activists in more than 10 countries will take action as part of the Unlock the Camps campaign. Events include a ‘Circle of Hope’ in Canada, a street march and signature campaign in Nepal, a poetry reading in Switzerland and solidarity actions in France, Germany, Mauritius and the United States.

Throughout the week, Amnesty International activists based in London and participating sections will write blogs about the events taking place across the world..

Six months after the end of the war between government forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), Sri Lanka continues to confine people who fled fighting in the north to closed displacement camps in uncomfortable and sometimes hazardous conditions.

Releases from the camps have increased in recent weeks. However, camp shelters have deteriorated as Sri Lanka has entered the rainy season, with funds for shelter repair running out.

This week John Holmes, lead advisor on humanitarian affairs to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, travels to Sri Lanka to assess the situation of the people in the camps.

TRAPPED

Around 150,000 displaced people living in government camps in northern Sri Lanka are still being denied their basic human rights including freedom of movement. The military control whether the displaced can leave camp premises - even to seek medical care - and they are denied basic legal protections.

The government has widely publicised recent releases but Amnesty International has received reports that many people have been held by local authorities to determine whether they had links to the LTTE.

VOICELESS

Displaced people have been given no voice in decisions regarding their release, return or resettlement.

Families have received no warning about impending releases or been informed of conditions in their former homes. They have not been given clear information about their rights and obligations, legal status or procedures for tracing family members.

Humanitarian organizations have been prevented from talking to displaced people in the camps, obstructing their ability to conduct crucial human rights work such as providing legal aid or assisting with family reunification. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has not had access to the camps since July.

UNPROTECTED

Since the war ended in May 2009, many thousands of people detained in camps have been subjected to 'screening' by the security forces in an attempt to root out LTTE members.

An estimated 12,000 people (including children) suspected of links to the LTTE have been arrested, separated from the general displaced population and detained by the authorities in irregular detention facilities, such as vacated school buildings.

Amnesty International has received repeated, credible reports from humanitarian workers about the lack of transparency and accountability in the screening process, which is conducted outside of any legal framework. There are also increased dangers to detainees when they are held incommunicado.

While screening is appropriate to ensure that LTTE combatants are not housed with the general camp population, proper procedures should be followed and the screening process must not be used as an excuse for collective punishment.

Independent monitors (including the ICRC) continue to be denied access to sites housing adult LTTE suspects. Detainees have not been charged with any offence, and have been denied legal counsel and due process. Many are held incommunicado.

Amnesty International has called on the Sri Lankan government to respect and protect the human rights of displaced people, including the rights to liberty and freedom of movement.

-Sri Lanka Guardian Read the full story »

By Jehan Perera

(November 17, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) President Mahinda Rajapaksa was expected to utilise the ruling party’s convention to announce the dates of both the general elections as well as presidential elections. The general speculation centred around whether he would declare that the presidential election would be held prior to or after the general election, or be held concurrently. It was widely held that as the President is more popular than the rest of his government that he would confidently go in first and notch up a big victory. He would then lead his team to another resounding victory at the general elections and possibly even obtain a 2/3 majority that would enable constitutional change to the government’s advantage.

The President has cut a popular figure not only due to the enormous hoardings showing him at major street corners, but also due to his government’s repeated election victories. At the Uva Provincial Council elections the government obtained a very high majority of 72 percent of the popular vote, and at the Southern Provincial Council elections last month it obtained a handsome 67 percent majority. The only comfort that the Opposition could take was to say that the government had been expecting more than 80 to 90 percent of the vote, and obtained much less.

The reasons for the President’s popularity was seen in his earthy style which encompassed hosting large numbers of supporters at various presidential abodes, the natural warmth demonstrated towards people, and most of all his extolling of the nation and its sovereignty. The President also had an immense achievement to substantiate the claims of his supporters that here was a true patriot, and possibly the greatest ever in the whole history of Sri Lanka. This was the defeat and virtual complete eradication of the dreaded LTTE that had plagued Sri Lanka with terror and warfare for nearly three decades. This victory was deemed to be all the greater because it was against the country’s past experiences.

At the convention the President made no categorical statement as to which election would take place first, but there was a hint that it would be a general election. Taking a statesmanlike approach, he said that he would not alter the election schedule as other political leaders had tried to do. As Parliament ends its six year term in April of 2010 and the next Presidential elections are not due until November 2011, it seems fairly certain that general elections are to come first. On the other hand, there was always an element of doubt about the holding of Presidential elections in the immediate future. This was due to the shortening of the President’s first term of office by two years.

Unforeseen Challenge

However, the circumstances under which President Rajapaksa has put off announcing early Presidential elections creates an impression that it is not simply the loss of two years that deterred the President from calling early Presidential polls. The predicament that is most likely to have determined President Rajapaksa’s decision not to face presidential polls at this time could scarcely have been foreseen even a month ago when the President seemed to be riding the crest of a wave that would last for years, if not decades.

The decisive factor behind the change in the government’s calculations would be the sudden emergence of former Army Commander General Sarath Fonseka as a potential challenger for the Presidency. So long as General Fonseka was seen as being a part of the government team that won the war, it was reasonable for the government as a whole, and the President in particular, to claim the credit for the victory over the LTTE. But with the breakdown in relations between the General and the government leadership, no longer does it seem reasonable that the credit for the military victory be taken exclusively by the President.

Once a negative cycle starts to operate it becomes difficult to stop it from gathering momentum. Other vulnerabilities in the government’s position have suddenly begun to emerge. One is the trade union action being taken by trade unions affiliated to the opposition. During the years of war, the trade union movement was notably dormant. People of all strata, including the working classes, understood the enormous economic and social costs associated with combating the LTTE, but decided to bear with those costs in the interests of finishing off the LTTE once and for all. However, six months after the war’s end, people find their patience running low. In addition there is resentment at the corruption and nepotism that is seen to be rife within the government.

Although General Fonseka has still not publicly declared his intention to enter into politics, the mere fact of this possibility appears to have rejuvenated the Opposition and boosted the morale of opposition party workers. A strong opposition is an essential ingredient of any functioning democracy. It is a well known axiom in politics, and indeed in all aspects of life, that power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely. During the last three years of war, and even after the end of the war, it appeared that the powers of the government and the centralisation of such powers was growing without the necessary checks and balances to keep the political system healthy and vibrant.

New Vulnerability

A sense of vulnerability in the government can induce the government to be more mindful of the concerns of the people it governs and to take action to meet those concerns. This increased sense of vulnerability may not only be due to internal causes but also due to external factors coming into play. The imminent withdrawal of the European Union’s GSP+ tariff concession which the government is making an effort to keep is perhaps the most compelling example. The US State Department’s report on alleged war crimes to which the government has appointed a distinguished Sri Lankan committee to inquire into, is another.

Ironically, one of the major beneficiaries of General Fonseka’s entry into politics could be the ethnic minorities. With the General who led the army to victory over the LTTE on the side of the Opposition, the government cannot any more rely on its own advocacy of Sinhalese nationalist positions to win the majority of the Sinhalese electorate. At previous elections the government was able to win by simply appealing to the Sinhalese majority to the point of disregarding and alienating the ethnic minorities. But now with General Fonseka being one of the leaders of the Opposition, the Sinhalese nationalist vote is bound to be divided. As a result the ethnic minority vote will become important for both the government and opposition to win over.

In recent days the government has been responding with more alacrity to the concerns of the Tamil people with regard to issues of resettlement and freedom of movement. Quite suddenly after more than six months of insisting that the Tamil population displaced from formerly LTTE-held areas need to be kept in confinement in government welfare camps, the government has suddenly started to release tens of thousands of them. More than one half of the IDP population is now out of the welfare camps. In addition the government has lifted many of the restrictions on the movement of traffic on the A9 highway that connects the northern capital of Jaffna to the south of the country and runs through the formerly LTTE-held areas.

Even General Fonseka, who during the war period spoke of Sri Lanka being a Sinhalese country, in which the minorities had to know their place and not make undue demands, appears to have moderated his position. He has also been requested by the Opposition alliance to reach an understanding with the major Tamil political party. It appears that the clash of the Sinhalese titans can pave the way to the politics of moderation. Prospective governments will have to seek the support of all ethnic communities, and be mindful of their grievances and aspirations, rather than relying solely on mobilising the nationalism of the ethnic majority.

-Sri Lanka Guardian Read the full story »

"The affections of a woman have to be won through the peacock dance of success and refinement, or through the deceit of lies. And then sustained for years through many strange virtues, or more lies. The price of love, above all, is monogamy. One man decided to break free. And he slept with over 1,300 women paying them over £115,000. This is his story."
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By Sebastian Horsley

(November 17, London, Sri Lanka Guardian) I remember the first time I had sex—I still have the receipt. The girl was alive, as far as I could tell, she was warm and she was better than nothing. She cost me £20.

I was 16 then and I’m 47 now. I have spent 25 years throwing my money and heart at tarts. I have slept with every nationality in every position in every country. From high-class call girls at £1,000 a pop to the meat-rack girls of Soho at £15, I have probably slept with more than 1,300 prostitutes, at a cost of £115,000.

I am a connoisseur of prostitution: I can take its bouquet, taste it, roll it around my mouth, give you the vintage. I have used brothels, saunas, private homes from the Internet and ordered girls to my flat prompt as pizza. While we are on the subject, I have also run a brothel. And I have been a male escort. I wish I was more ashamed. But I’m not. I love prostitutes and everything about them. And I care about them so much I don’t want them to be made legal.

In English brothels you shuffle into a seedy room so dim you can only meet the girl by Braille. But in New York last year I sat on a four-poster bed while 10 girls paraded in front of me one by one, like bowls of sushi on a carousel. “Hi,” they would say, “I’m Tiffany”, “I’m Harmony”, “I’m Michelle”, and I would rise and kiss them. It was so touching, so sweet, so kind. There should always, no matter what, be politeness. It is the way the outside world should work, selfishly but honestly.

The great thing about sex with whores is the excitement and variety. If you say you’re enjoying sex with the same person after a couple of years, you’re either a liar or on something. Of all the sexual perversions, monogamy is the most unnatural. Most of our affairs run the usual course. Fever. Boredom. Trapped. This explains much of the friction in our lives—love being the delusion that one woman differs from another. But with brothels there is always the exhilaration of not knowing what you’re going to get.

The problem with normal sex is that it leads to kissing and pretty soon you’ve got to talk to them. Once you know someone well the last thing you want to do is screw them. I like to give, never to receive; to have the power of the host, not the obligation of the guest. I can stop writing this and within two minutes I can be chained, in the arms of a whore. I know I am going to score and I know they don’t really want me. And within 10 minutes I am back writing. What I hate are meaningless and heartless one-night stands where you tell all sorts of lies to get into bed with a woman you don’t care for. The worst things in life are free. Value seems to need a price tag. How can we respect a woman who doesn’t value herself? When I was young I used to think it wasn’t who you wanted to have sex with that was important, but who you were comfortable with socially and spiritually. Now I know that’s rubbish. It’s who you want to have sex with that’s important. In the past I have deceived the women I have been with. You lie to two people in your life; your partner and the police. Everyone else gets the truth.

Part of me used to enjoy the deception. There was something about the poverty of desire with one’s girlfriend. Sex without betrayal I found meaningless. Without cruelty there was no banquet. Having a secret life is exhilarating. I also have problems with unpaid-for sex. I am repulsed by the animality of the body, by its dirt and decay. The horror for me is the fact that the sublime, the beautiful and the divine are inextricable from basic animal functions. For some reason money mitigates this. Because it is anonymous. What I hate with women generally is the intimacy, the invasion of my innermost space, the slow strangulation of my art. The writer chained for life to the routine of a wage slave and the ritual of copulation. When I love somebody, I feel sort of trapped. Three years ago, I was saved. I found a girl whom I could fall in love with… and sleep with prostitutes with. She sends me to brothels to sleep with women for her. I buy her girls for her birthday and we go to whorehouses together. I am free forever from the damp, dark prison of eternal love.

Sebastian Horsley (right) poses as an arch liberal, in defiance of society's intrusive attempts to regulate matters of intimate privacy and personal consent
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A prostitute exists outside the establishment. She is either rejected by it or in opposition to it, or both. It takes courage to cross this line. She deserves our respect, not our punishment. And certainly not our pity or prayers.

Of course, the general feeling in this country [the UK] is that the man is somehow exploiting the woman, but I don’t believe this. In fact, the prostitute and the client, like the addict and the dealer, is the most successfully exploitative relationship of all. And the most pure. It is free of ulterior motives. There is no squalid power game. The man is not taking and the woman is not giving. The whore fuck is the purest fuck of all.

Why does a sleazy bastard like me like whores so much? Why pay for it? The problem is that the modern woman is a prostitute who doesn’t deliver the goods. Teasers are never pleasers; they greedily accept presents to seal a contract and then break it. At least the whore pays the flesh that’s haggled for. The big difference between sex for money and sex for free is that sex for money usually costs a lot less.

But it is more than this. What I want is the sensation of sex without the boredom of its conveyance. Brothels make possible contacts of astounding physical intimacy without the intervention of personality. I love the artificial paradise; the anonymity; using money, the most impersonal instrument of intimacy to buy the most personal act of intimacy. Lust over love, sensation over security, and to fall into a woman’s arms without falling into her hands.

Having an instinctive sympathy for those condemned by conventional society, I wanted to cross the line myself. To pay for sex is to strip away the veneer of artifice and civilisation and connect with the true animal nature of man. Some men proudly proclaim that they have never paid for it. Are they saying that money is more sacred than sex?

But one of the main reasons I enjoy prostitutes is because I enjoy breaking the law—another reason I don’t want brothels made legal. There is a charm about the forbidden that makes it desirable. When I have dinner every evening in Soho I always think: isn’t scampi delicious—what a pity it isn’t illegal. I’m sure I am not alone in this. Even Adam himself did not want the apple for the apple’s sake; he wanted it only because it was forbidden.

As for the girls, the argument is that making it legal will somehow make it safer, but Soho has one of the lowest crime rates in the country. Anyway, crime and risk are part of the texture of life. Indeed, Freud tells us: ‘Life loses interest when the highest stake in the game of living, life itself, may not be risked.’ Risk is what separates the good part of life from the tedium.

I decided to ask my Claudia, my favourite prostitute. I first spotted her in the street in Knightsbridge ten years ago and was so taken by her haunted beauty that I decided to follow her. There was an air of great quality about Claudia. The faces of English girls look as if there is not enough material to go round. They have thin lips and papery eyelids, box jawbones, prominent Adam’s apples and withered hearts. Claudia looks Mediterranean—her lips are full and curly, her nostrils flared, her eyes black and as big as saucers.

She walked and I stalked all the way to Soho and down Brewer Street. No. No way. She couldn’t be! She turned, and walked into a brothel. I couldn’t believe it. I could fuck Raquel Welch for £25.

When I ask if she wants prostitution legalised, she reacts violently: “No way! I tried to take a regular job a few months ago. After tax and national insurance I was left with practically nothing. So I came back here. On a good day here I can take £500. I don’t have a pimp, so after paying the overheads and the maid I’ve got more than enough.” There you are. Income tax has made more liars out of the British people than prostitution.

I know a little bit about the business side. Some years ago I became a madam and a male escort. I turned one of the rooms in my flat in Shepherd Market into a knocking shop and joined an escort agency. I went into prostitution looking for love, not money. That said, I always took cash. The women wanted company, someone willing to please at the midnight hour, and straight sex. It was nerve-wracking wondering if I was going to be able to get it up or get on, but at least I had a valid reason for liking my lovers—they paid me. I didn’t care if someone called me a whore and a pimp.

So you see, I have always been a prostitute by sympathy. As for the rest of society, prostitution is the mirror of man, and man has never been in danger of becoming bogged down in beauty. So why don’t we leave it alone? Or learn to love it, like me? Sex is one of the most wholesome, spiritual and natural things money can buy. And like all games, it becomes more interesting when played for money. And even more so when it is illegal.

Hookers and drunks instinctively understand that common sense is the enemy of romance. Will the bureaucrats and politicians please leave us some unreality. I know what you are thinking. That it’s all very well for people like me to idealise whores and thieves; to think that the street is somehow noble and picturesque; I have never had to live there. But so what? One day I will. Until such time, I have to pay for it. How else would someone young, rich and handsome get sex in this city? Yes, yes, I know. Prostitution is obscene, debasing and disgraceful. The point is, so am I.

-Sri Lanka Guardian Read the full story »

A Statement by the Asian Human Rights Commission

(November 16, Hong Kong, Sri Lanka Guardian) The Sri Lankan government today issued emergency regulations to be operative from midnight tonight (November 16, 2009) which makes the services relating to oil, electricity, harbor and water resources essential services. This gazette notification means that any action taken by the trade unions for the improvement of wages and working conditions within these essential service industries will be illegal and subjected to sanctions. The sanctions may include dismissal of employees, the arrest of trade unionists and disallowing every kind of protests such as meetings, demonstrations, distribution of leaflets and pamphlets and the like. The military may also be employed to take the place of the employees for the running of these services.

These measures have been announced as a response to a trade union action, the work-to-rule in order to improve wages, which according to the trade unions, have remained stagnant for four years despite of skyrocketing food prices and those of other essential commodities such as oil, electricity, water and almost everything that is necessary for normal life. Besides this, the prices for education and health services have also increased to incredible levels.

The essential problem around which the present protest has arisen is the price of food. The price of rice and bread has increased repeatedly within the last few years despite of the government¡¦s promises to lower the prices. Many workers and housewives constantly complain of the inability to make ends meet despite of the many adjustments they have made by cutting down on various food items. As one worker, a family man with one teenage child explained, ¡§My wife and I are both working. When the prices went up first we tried to cut down on vegetables. However, gradually we had to cut down on many things. We try not to make the life of our child uncomfortable and it is I and my wife who have to undergo cuts in many things just to keep the family budget going.¡¨

The imposition of the emergency rule on the workers of these essential services comes at a time when there was expectation that the Prevention of Terrorism Act and Emergency Laws would be lifted following the declared end of the conflict between the government and the LTTE. In the triumphant mood, workers together with others held street celebrations expecting that a long period of tension created by the conflict would come to an end and that there would be greater freedom for everyone throughout the country.

However, the imposition of emergency rule over the workers of these industries only demonstrates the warning made by many human rights organisations, including the Asian Human Rights Commission, that the conditions of the Prevention of Terrorism Act and Emergency Laws, which have prevailed over the people of the north and east for many decades, will shortly also be enforced in the South.

These new regulations imposed by invoking national security laws will virtually make the executive president solely responsible for the situation in the country and virtually displace the power of the parliament and of the courts. Arrest and detention can now take place which will not be subjected to the normal laws of the country. The fundamental rights enshrined in the Constitution and the procedural rights inbuilt into the criminal procedure of Sri Lanka will be suspended as long as the emergency rule remains in operation. The Ministry of Defense can now operate with full powers beyond the control of the courts also in the South. The country today is under the arbitrary control of the executive. The executive throughout the past decades has demonstrated how ruthlessly it can use its power and how powerless the population can become when the Emergency Laws are in operation.

These regulations are also imposed in a situation of the extreme political instability of the country. The resignation of the Chief of Defense Staff, General Sarath Fonseka, after making a public declaration of dissatisfaction with the government, has created intense political speculation. There is a new visible resurgence of the opposition which has declared its intention that the retired general may be the presidential candidate for the opposition if there is an announcement of a presidential election. Fears have been expressed that the government may utilise the declaration of emergency regulations in order to suppress the opposition.

Sri Lanka is a signatory to the international Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The government has also from time to time declared that it will defend the economic, social and cultural rights even if it sometimes underplays the importance of civil and political rights.

The right to food is a basic right arising out of the right to life. The right to food is the most basic of all rights. The unfettered increase in prices unaccompanied by the improvement of wages can be a basic threat to the right to food. The worker¡¦s claims and those of the trade unions is that the reason for their present actions is a result of the unbearable prices of food and other essential elements for basic living.

The right to strike which implies also the right to take legitimate actions, such as work-to-rule actions, are part of the basic rights of the workers. For many decades now the right to strike and the associated rights to take legitimate action for the improvement of living conditions have been seriously attacked by several regimes.

Among those who are most effected by serious restrictions of the right to food are women, children and disabled persons. The application of Emergency Laws will affect not only the workers but also all categories of these most vulnerable groups.

It was the government¡¦s duty to negotiate and to give into legitimate demands of the people. Instead, if repression is used as the method of dealing with people who are demanding rice and the lowering of prices, the government action will be arbitrary and in no way legitimate. Emergency regulations cannot give legitimacy to basic attacks on the rights of people.

We call upon the government to desist from the use of emergency regulations and anti terrorism laws to deal with the workers who are making legitimate demands on their behalf and those of others. We call upon the government to negotiate with the workers and their trade unionists for a reasonable solution to their problems instead of the arbitrary use of executive power.
# # #
About AHRC: The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional non-governmental organisation monitoring and lobbying human rights issues in Asia. The Hong Kong-based group was founded in 1984.

-Sri Lanka Guardian Read the full story »

(November 16, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Security provided to General Sarath Fonseka has been drastically reduced, as much as 95 per cent, says Tissa Attanayake, General Secretary of the United National Party.Since Saturday, 95 per cent of his security had been removed while Karuna Amman has about 200 security men and Pilleyan has over 100 men, said Attanayake, addressing a function to distribute equipment to a temple and societies in Kundasale.

“The most serious issue is that since yesterday, 96 per cent of his security has been removed, ever since his letter of resignation was accepted.

“He was provided with heavy security. This is because an organisation such as the LTTE has reached their targets in 10, 15 or even 20 years.

“LTTE terrorism has not ended in the manner as claimed by the government. That is the government's version.

“Karuna Amman has been given given more than 200 security men and on the other hand, Pilleyan has been given a security contingent of over 200 men.
“This is unfair treatment,” Attanayake said.

-Sri Lanka Guardian Read the full story »

(November 16, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Journalists, invited to cover the farewell ceremony to General Sarath Fonseka, Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), on Monday morning (today) were not allowed into Army Headquarters in Colombo where the event is taking place.

Dozens of journalists said they were invited by the CDS staff for the event but the army was not allowing them in. The dispute has gone on for about an hour ahead of the event about to happen a while ago at 10 .15 am. However efforts were being made for a CDS vehicle to take the journalists, stranded at the entrance, inside.

The government and General Fonseka have been on a collision course after the former army commander sent in his retirement papers last week, saying President Mahinda Rajapaksa had lost confidence in him.

-Sri Lanka Guardian Read the full story »

[What follows is an extract from a 10,000 word paper on Prospects for Conflict Resolutions in South Asia presented by Dr Dayan Jayatilleka at the 5th International Conference on South Asia organized by the Institute for South Asian Studies (ISAS) of the National University of Singapore. Paper presenters included Sartaj Aziz former Finance Minister and Foreign Minister of Pakistan, Dr Iftekhar Ahmed Chowdhury, former Foreign Minister of Bangladesh, and Mani Shanker Iyer former Minister of Rural Local Self-Government of India.]

By Dayan Jayatilleka

(November 16, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) From a global point of view there can be little doubt the Afghanistan-Pakistan-India triangle is the most decisive in South Asia, for the obvious reason that two of these three states are nuclear armed. It is true that the Indo-Pak relationship has been relatively stable and that this stability has been mightily assisted by diplomacy of the United States during moments of tension such as the Kargil crisis.

This diplomatic adhesive has been strengthened by the new style and approach of President Barack Obama. It is no less true that the Indo-Pakistani nuclear equation has not achieved the degree of depth and stability that the US-USSR relationship had acquired during the Cold war, and one may envisage a scenario in which more ideologically charged governments come into office in both Pakistan and India, perhaps in reaction to one another, and set off an escalation of tensions which bring the two states to the brink. However, since this is not an imminent prospect I shall not dwell on it and prefer to move onto the more strikingly sensitive current theatre, the so-called Af-Pak area.

As an entry point let me use an old question which has assumed the status of a cliché: is Afghanistan, which was Russia’s Vietnam, going to be America’s second Vietnam? Is the USA going to suffer the same fate as Russia in Afghanistan?

At one level the answer is clearly no. The USSR was already suffering serious internal stagnation and decay, and while the USA is in grave economic difficulty, there is no evidence of any weakness which can result in systemic implosion. When the USSR entered Afghanistan it had long lost its ideological vitality while the USA under President Obama has clearly regained its own. The USA was able to create a quagmire for the USSR by securing the support of a wide coalition of disparate forces, ranging from China to Saudi Arabia, and most importantly, Pakistan. It provided the Afghan insurgents the means – Stinger missiles--to neutralize Soviet airpower. By contrast, the only coalition that exists today, however skimpy, is one supportive of the USA. There is no state, neighboring or further afield, that supports the insurgency. Even a regime with which the USA has serious contradictions, Iran, does not seek to undermine US policy in Afghanistan.

Perhaps most importantly there are the twin factors of the nature of the insurgent leadership itself and the period of history in which the struggle takes place. The Vietnamese were led by Ho Chi Minh and the Vietnamese Communist party, a tough minded and brilliant leadership capable of the most sophisticated understanding of the world and possessed of a mastery of strategy and tactics ranging from small unit and large scale battles to the negotiations in Paris. The Taliban simply is not in the same class. At its most starkly personal, Ho Chi Minh and Le Duan were more than a match for Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon while Mullah Omar and Osama Bin Laden is hardly the intellectual equal still less superior, of Barack Obama. While North Vietnam was itself a state which functioned as a rear base for the Southern guerrillas and later, conventional units operating in the South, the Vietnamese Communists were able to count on the support of either the USSR or the PRC, using their rivalry to secure support from both or at least one. The Taliban has no state which constitutes a rear base. The Vietnamese fought their war when Communism or socialism was a truly global contender, while the Taliban’s brand of radical Islam is not a truly global contender in that this ideology is culturally circumscribed and is not universalist in its appeal. By contrast the Vietnamese had tens of thousands of youngsters in the West, educated at the best of western universities, chanting slogans in favor of the Viet Cong and waving portraits of Uncle Ho, while it is unthinkable that Osama Bin laden or Mullah Omar would have such a resonance within western societies.

Still there are disturbing possibilities that the experience of the USA in Afghanistan could resemble its experience in Vietnam. On the ground, the war is not being won. The US economy may be unable to risk an escalation of American commitment in terms of far more troops for a far longer period. US public opinion may well flag. If so, the Taliban which is unable to beat the US on the battlefield and score anything like a Dien Bien Phu or even a Tet offensive, may be able to secure the same result as in Vietnam: a US withdrawal through sheer fatigue. If so the consequences are incalculable. Perhaps as in the case of Vietnam the dominoes will not fall and the fallout will be absorbable. Or perhaps the opposite will be at least partially true and Islamic radicals, whatever their sectarian differences, will feel emboldened by their victory considering it evidence of the weakening of the moral fiber of liberal democracies and the decline of the sole superpower the USA, signaling God-given sanction for endless jihad. This may in turn undermine the political fortunes of liberalism in the West, especially in the USA and aid the recovery of the Right, with all the polarizing consequences this holds for world politics. Whichever way it goes, failure in Afghanistan may impact upon the future of the Obama presidency. If so it may have a knock on effect on US relations with the rest of the world, which have improved dramatically under the Obama presidency. Yet, how is one to define failure? Is it withdrawal or a continued stay in a quagmire? More importantly how will the US electorate, or the majority of it, define failure?

How will victory and defeat each impact on Pakistan and Indian Kashmir? The surge of force levels, drone strikes and casualties inflicted on the Taliban in the event of victory could either stabilize or radicalize areas and social sectors of Pakistan. Conversely, an American military failure in Afghanistan could have the impact of further motivating and emboldening militancy in that state, and in Indian Kashmir, heightening threat perceptions in India.

What then are the prospects of conflict resolution? President Obama has so far seen the Afghan war, in contradistinction to the one in Iraq, as a necessary war, in an echo of Machiavelli’s dictum that the only just war is a necessary war. It would perhaps be prudent on his part to avoid the main mistake of Donald Rumsfeld which was the under commitment of troops, and to observe the fundaments of the Powell doctrine of deploying sufficiently large force levels if a particular war is deemed a necessary one.

Militarily the situation necessitates a pincer action from the Afghan and Pakistani fronts, with a degree of coordination that has yet to be witnessed, the political consequences if not managed, could be counter-productive. While the recent military offensive by the Pakistani army in the Swat valley has been a relative success with little visible political blowback, and the handling of the internally displaced has been vastly better than that in Sri Lanka, public opinion polls reveal that at the level of the Pakistani people, a broad consensus must be constructed. How to involve and yet insulate Pakistan is the dilemma. The stabilization of the Pakistani factor requires drawing in the two major Pakistani political formations led by the two pre-eminent figures, President Zardari and Nawaz Sharif. Given the zero-sum nature of politics in South Asia (outside, arguably of India), this seems as impossible as it is imperative. Perhaps it is the Obama administration that can play a productive role here, but US involvement may make the process radioactive on the Pakistani street.

This makes it impossible for me to resist the temptation to make two suggestions, one out-of-the-box, and the other, possibly heretical, as how the situation in Afghanistan may be stabilized and possibly turned around.

The first is that the Obama administration should take a second look at and seek to bolster SAARC (the South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation) as a rearguard and counterweight to the spread of extremism, and a regional body which, in augmented form, may be able to play a stabilizing role in Afghanistan. An active US role may be able to better manage and balance off the structural asymmetries of SAARC which have had a dysfunctional, even debilitating effect.

The second suggested step, the heretical one, derives from my perception of the essential problem which seems to me to be the thinness of the human resource base of the state. The state lacks qualified cadre. The irony is that there are pools of potential cadre who are educated and professionally trained, share the same ideals of the education of women and broad social modernization as the US administration, and, more dramatically, have a proven resistance to the siren song of radical Islamic militancy. These are the scattered, exiled cadre of the PDPA, the party of the Afghan revolution of 1978, with its notorious fratricidal factions the Khalq and the Parcham, whose internecine strife probably cost them state power. These cadres are scattered in parts of the former Soviet space, in India and even Pakistan. They are in no shape to attempt any political adventures, now that the Cold War is over, global socialism has collapsed, the USSR is no more, History has moved on and their very existence would depend on US power. They are far more likely to be Obama fans than anything else! I am not arguing for their re-instatement in power but for their reincorporation and re-integration into the Afghan state and society in what Enrico Berlinguer the father of Euro-communism used to call a “compromesso storico”, a “historic compromise”. With many, even less savory precedents in the post World War II period, this strategy is a low risk, (potentially) high yield one, which can “thicken” the state with trained, educated, middle class professionals, expanding the core of an anti-Taliban modernizing coalition.

This is but a domestic corollary– may I say, the missing domestic corollary - and concomitant of President Obama’s regionalized approach to the Afghan crisis and his attempt at broadening the international alliance supporting the anti-Al Qaeda/Taliban effort.

While I am not unmindful of the possible blowback, I would still maintain that if carefully handled, the move I suggest here can be a “game-changer” in a positive sense.

Undergirding my suggestion is the hypothesis that in the longer view of history, the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan may be seen not only as an ideological or strategic move, defensive, pre-emptive, or offensive, by the USSR in a Cold War context, but as a battle by a form of modernity against a resurgence of the pre-modern or archaic. In that sense the Soviet and US efforts can be seen as part of a (civilisational?) continuum. Of course this presupposes that the Cold war itself is understood at least in part, as a fratricidal civil war within modernity; between two alternative projects, one of which won.

Let me conclude this section of my paper by signaling alarm about an “outlier”, a factor which can upset many equations. I refer to a possible Israeli attack on Iran. I believe that it is unlikely that there will be a US strike, but I also fear that Israel will launch an attack, not least with the hope of upsetting the political equation in the USA and limiting President Obama to a single term. The new Israeli administration may calculate that an attack on Iran and a retaliatory Iranian strike could create a situation in which President Obama can be pressurized to act for fear of being outflanked by the Republican Right. If this takes place, there will be ripple effects throughout the Islamic world, irrespective of which sect or tendency of Islam each society preponderantly belongs to. The USA will also find a practical problem of overstretch which will affect its ability to function in Afghanistan. This in turn may be the Black Swan event that provides the Taliban and Al Qaeda with their moment. Thus all bets are off, in the event of an attack on Iran. Will the first Black President of the United States be undone by a Black Swan event?

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By Sankajaya Nanayakkara

(November 15, London, Sri Lanka Guardian) The life of Upali Cooray, the barrister, lecturer, human rights activists, trade unionist and revolutionary, was celebrated by an enthusiastic crowd of Tamils and Sinhalese at the Scarborough Civic Centre, Toronto, on Nov. 14, 2009. The gathering was organized by the Canadians for Peace Sri Lankan Alliance, a diaspora organization composed of Tamils and Sinhalese working for peace and inter-ethnic solidarity.

Upali Cooray joined the pioneer Marxist party in Sri Lanka, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) in 1962. But he soon left the party with other radicals after it entered into coalition politics with the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP). Cooray was a founding member of the Movement for Inter Racial Justice and Equality (MIRJE) that was formed in 1979. In the United Kingdom, Cooray took the initiative to form the Committee for Democracy and Justice in London in the late 1980s. To the very last, he fought for the rights of the downtrodden and oppressed. His favourite song used to be Bob Marley’s “get up, stand up, stand up for your rights.”

The gathering was addressed by Chandrarathna Bandara, the editor of the Toronto based Sinhala newspaper, Yathra; Thangavadivel, a retired teacher from Jaffna; Ajith Jinadasa, the former Sri Lanka Mahajana Party Provincial Councillor and political commentator Rajan Philips.

With the fall of the Communist Block, said Bandara, the political agenda of the left had to be restrategized to defend democratic rights and freedoms. In defending democracy and freedom, Upali was an exemplary fighter. Speaking on the topic of Diaspora and the IDPs, Thangavadivel said that there is an unfortunate tendency to demonise the other community. He recounted how he and his brother were saved by Sinhalese in Ampara during anti-Tamil riots in the 1950s. Furthermore, he urged all communities to work together. Jinadasa said that he considered Upali as a brother-in-arms as he was able to transcended narrow ethnic boundaries and engage in class-based politics. By restricting, kidnapping and torturing Tamils, he asked whether the Sri Lankan government was creating the groundwork for the next Tamil uprising. Philips attacked primodialist conceptions of Sinhala and Tamil identities and pointed out they were 19th Century constructions that took root in a context of widening mass literacy. Having won the war, the ethnic problem still persists. Philips said that the left ideas of the 1950s and 1960s are still valid and could make a great contribution in creating an inclusive state. He dismissed the Tamil secessionist project of Transnational Tamil Government in exile as a “children’s wedding game.”

After the talks, there was a lively discussion by members of the audience on themes such as, national unity, identity politics, subaltern history and the current political situation in Sri Lanka.

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"The jihadi picture in Pakistan is getting murkier and murkier. Nobody----neither Pakistan's political and military leaders nor the US intelligence agencies and military leadership nor the mushrooming community of terrorism analysts all over the world---- seems to understand what the hell is going on in Pakistan, which is inexorably becoming a country beyond understanding and beyond redemption."
________

By B. Raman

(November 16, Chennai, Sri Lanka Guardian) There are two jihadi terrorist organisations by the name the 313 Brigade. The first is Kashmir-centric and is associated with the Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami (HUJI) of Qari Saifullah Akhtar. It has been in existence since at least 1999 and is a member of the United Jihad Council, based in Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir, which is headed by Syed Salahuddin of the Hizbul Mujahideen. It looks upon India as its main enemy and is not against the Government of Pakistsan, its Army and the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI).

2.On December 15,1999, a Rashtriya Rifles unit in Jammu & Kashmir had killed one Sher Khan, who was described as the chief commander of a newly formed 313 Brigade and a HUJI commander called Nadeem Khan during an encounter in the Marot forest area of Surankote. The "Excelsior", a daily newspaper published from Jammu, had quoted Indian defence sources as saying that the 313 Brigade had been formed by the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) a few days earlier.They claimed to have killed its leader within a few days of its formation and infiltration into J&K.

3. Thereafter, from to time, there were references to the activities of the 313 Brigade in the Surankote area of J & K. In October 2004, a Rashtriya Rifles unit captured one Sabzar Ahmed, a resident of the Surankote area, who was described as a member of the 313 Brigade.

4. On March 17,2006, "The Nation", the Pakistani daily, had carried a report on a letter jointly written to Pervez Musharraf by the members of the United Jihad Council of Kashmir protesting against his Government succumbing to pressure from the George Bush administration to discontinue support to the Kashmir-related jihadi organisations. Among those who had signed the letter was one Munir Ahmed of the 313 Brigade.

5.In April 2006, the US State Department issued the 2006 "Country Reports on Terrorism," which listed a number of designated "foreign terrorist organizations" and also listed "other selected terrorist groups also deemed to be of relevance to the global war on terrorism." The HUJI was listed in the latter category. The report noted the group's "links to al Qaeda," and that the "HUJI's operations in Kashmir were led by Commander Ilyas Kashmiri, a former commander in the Afghan jihad, .... who was arrested in October2005 on charges of attacks against President Musharraf in 2003."

6. Reports in the Pakistani media indicated that Ilyas Kashmiri, who headed the 313 Brigade of the HUJI in J&K, was released by the Pakistani authorities on the intervention of Syed Salahuddin and had shifted from Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (POK), where he was previously based, to the Waziristan area of the Federally-Administered Tribal Areas (FATA).

7. A second organisation also known as the 313 Brigade is Pakistan-centric and is the fighting arm of the International Islamic Front for Jihad Against the Crusaders and the Jewish People formed by Osama bin Laden in 1998 in association with a number of terrorist organisations of Pakistan, Bangladesh, Uzbekistan and other countries. It came into existence after the US invasion of Iraq in 2003. It looks upon the US and Israel as its main enemies. It is strongly against the Pakistan Govt, its Army and the ISI because of their alleged co-operation with the US in Afghanistan.

8. While the Kashmir-centric 313 Brigade claims responsibility for its actions in Jammu & Kashmir, the Pakistan-centric 313 Brigade does not admit its operations in Pakistan. Till 2007, the responsibility for the attacks on Pakistani army and ISI officers was claimed by organisations with names such as the Islambouli Brigade, the Jundullah etc. After the raid by the Special Services Group (SSG) of the Pakistan Army into the Lal Masjid of Islamabad in July,2007, the responsibility for many of the attacks on military establishments and personnel has been claimed by the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP).

9. Among the terrorist attacks in Pakistani territory in which the Pakistan-centric 313 Brigade was suspected were:

(a). The two attempts to kill Pervez Musharraf in Rawalpindi in December,2003.

(b). The attempts to kill the Corps Commander of Karachi and Shaukat Aziz, the then Finance Minister who had been nominated by Musharraf to take over as the Prime Minister, at Fateh Jang in the Attock constituency of Punjab in 2004. Shaukat Aziz escaped an assassination attempt while he was canvassing a bye-election campsign.

(c). The murder of two officers of the Intelligence Bureau at Kohat in the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) in 2004.

(d). The attack on the Marriott Hotel in Islamabad in September 2008.The Danish diplomatic staff were functioning from there.

(e).The November 19,2008,assassination of Maj-Gen Amir Faisal Alvi, who headed the SSG in 2003-2005 before he was removed by Musharraf for unworthy conduct.

10. Immediately after the attempt on Shaukat Aziz, an Islamic web site had quoted a group calling itself the Islambouli Brigade as claiming that it had targeted one of the men of the "American infidel group in Pakistan". Lt Khaled Islambouli was the leader of the group of soldiers, who assassinated Egyptian President Anwar Sadat during a military parade in Cairo in 1981.Though the statement did not mention Aziz by name, it was apparent the reference was to him. It said: "One of our blessed battalions tried to hunt a head of one of America’s infidels in Pakistan while he was returning from Fateh Jang, but God wanted him to survive. With this blow, we are delivering a message to the Pakistani Government and its head Pervez Musharraf, who is still extraditing the Mujahideen to America to appease it." . It accused the person targetted at Fateh Jang of being "a follower of the wicked Bush and his cronies."

11."Yesterday’s attack will be followed by more painful blows if you do not stop blindly obeying the orders of that Bush. If you don’t stop, the Mujahideen will wage a bloody war in Pakistan," it added. It said it was giving the Musharraf Government a "period of truce" to stop handing over arrested persons to the US, failing which the brigade "will behave in a different way." The statement did not say how long the truce would last, but it warned that its message was "the last warning. "Within the coming few days, our brigade will speak with the language of blood which is the only language you understand," it further warned.

12.In an interview to the "News", the prestigious Pakistani daily, apparently given after the attempt to kill Aziz, the 45-year-old Haji Mohammad Omar, who had succeeded Nek Mohammad as the leader of the pro-Taliban elements in South Waziristan, warned: "The rulers would not be safe if the Pakistan Government with US assistance targets our leaders. We are convinced that commander Nek Muhammad was killed by the US military with the connivance of our own government.The rocket attacks on Pakistan Army and Frontier Corps camps and assets in South Waziristan and the resistance being put up by the militants there are largely fuelled by the US military involvement in the so-called campaign against al-Qaeda and Taliban in Pakistan.The militants target only those places where US military personnel and spies are stationed. Our men take maximum care not to harm Pakistani soldiers and militiamen."He alleged that hundreds of US troops and intelligence agents had been secretly deployed in South Waziristan and that US military planes and helicopter gunships were operating in Pakistani territory and air space.

13. The attack came at a time when there were reports that the so-called 313 Brigade of the International Islamic Front (IIF), as distinguished from the 313 Brigade of the HUJI in J&K, had stepped up its campaign against the Pervez Musharraf Government in Pakistan and the Islam Karimov Government in Uzbekistan for co-operating with the USA in its war against terrorism.

14. The attack also come at a time when the Iraqi resistance and foreign jihadi terrorist groups in Iraq had stepped up their campaign against Saudi Arabia and Pakistan for allegedly letting themselves be used by the Bush administration for suppressing the Iraqi people. They were virulently criticising Jehangir Ashraf Qazi, the Pakistani diplomat, for agreeing to work as the UN Representative in Iraq and warning Pakistan against sending its troops to Iraq to protect the UN office.

15. Two Kashmiris from the POK, who had gone to Iraq to work for a US contractor, were captured by unidentified elements and beheaded as a warning to people in Pakistan not to volunteer to work for US contractors in Iraq. The responsibility for the beheading was claimed in the name of an organisation called the Jaish-e-Islam (Army of Islam).

16. These attacks followed after a statement issued by Osama bin Laden in 2003 calling Pakistan an apostate State for co-operating with the US and a virulent statement by his No.2 Ayman al-Zawahiri calling for action against Musharraf. In the meanwhile, the investigation into the two attempts to kill Musharrafr reportedly brought out the involvement of some junior officers of the Army and the Air Force in the conspiracy along with members of the HUJI, the Jaish-e-Mohammad (JEM) and the anti-Shia Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LEJ).

17. The various reports received during this period indicated that at the instance of Al Qaeda, the IIF had revamped its 313 Brigade by including in it select volunteers from not only the Pakistani jihadi organisations, but also sympathetic military personnel for carrying out reprisal attacks to protest against the Pakistani , co-operation with the US.

18. After the attacks on Musharraf, Qari Saifullah Akhtar, the Amir of the HUJI, ran away from Pakistan. He was arrested by the Dubai Police on August 6,2004, and handed over to the Pakistani authorities. Surprisingly, the Pakistani authorities did not prosecute him just as they did not prosecute Ilyas Kashmiri. They released him after keeping him under informal detention for some months. After the failed attempt to kill her at Karachi on October 17,2007, Benazir Bhutto had named the Qari as the principal suspect. He was again arrested, but released after some weeks without being prosecuted.

19. The 313 Brigade of the IIF, which has been focussing on attacking Pakistani targets as distinguished from the 313 Brigade in J&K which attacks Indian targets, is a shadowy organisation. Media reports project Ilyas Kashmiri as the head of the 313 Brigade of the IIF. In a press interview, Ilyas himself has sought to give the impression that he heads it. He has been saying that unless the US and its collaborators in Pakistan are defeated, the so-called struggle against India in J&K will not progress. He thus now gives primacy to the jihadi campaign against the US and its alleged collaborators in Pakistan.

20. Ilyas sees himself as another Khalid Sheikh Mohammad and wants to carry out a spectacular terrorist strike in a Western country. The purpose of his trying to use David Coleman Headley, of Chicago arrested by the Federal Bureau of Investigation at Chicago on October 3, 2009, was for an attack on the Danish journal, which carried caricatures of the Prophet in 2005. A perusal of the FBI's affidavit against Headley shows that while Ilyas wanted a Mumbai--26/11 style attack in Copenhagen, Headley felt that a more feasible option would be to assassinate the cartoonist and his Editor.

21. Where do the statements of the TTP claiming responsibility for attacks on Pakistani military personnel fit in? What is the relationship between the TTP, Ilyas and his 313 Brigade? What happened to the 313 Brigade of J&K? Does it continue its separate existence? Answers to these questions are not available.

22. The jihadi picture in Pakistan is getting murkier and murkier. Nobody----neither Pakistan's political and military leaders nor the US intelligence agencies and military leadership nor the mushrooming community of terrorism analysts all over the world---- seems to understand what the hell is going on in Pakistan, which is inexorably becoming a country beyond understanding and beyond redemption.

( The writer is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai. E-mail: seventyone2@gmail.com )

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(November 16, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) In the website unveiled in the name of ‘Connect Sri Lanka’ (www.connectsrilanka.net) to coincide with the heavily publicised Tamil Diaspora meetings in Colombo over the weekend, the website with special message for the Diaspora has stated over 250,000 Tamils are held in the Internally Dispersed Persons (IDPs) in welfare camps.

Under the heading ‘Housing’ it states: ‘With over 250,000 Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in welfare camps in the North, the need to give them the opportunity to get back to their normal life is of utmost importance.’

The latest claim in the website managed by the Presidential Secretariat contradicts all recent official under valued claims that only 120,000 IDP’s are held in camps.

The website in its mission statement states: "United Lankan expatriate community dedicated to and integrated in, the nation building and development process of Sri Lanka. To mobilize Sri Lankan Diaspora for unity/ cohesion among themselves targeted for the promotion of security and socio-economic development of their homeland."

An Tamil expatriate who did not respond to the President’s invitation in London wishing to maintain anonymity said: ‘the government seems to be telling the absolute truth to the expatriate Tamils to convince them, whilst carrying out a calculated campaign by revealing a lower number of 120,000 IDP’s to the international community’.

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“There is no possibility of the LTTE being re-organized, even the Transnational Government will just limit itself to talks and only fulfill its role for the Tamil Diaspora."
______________________________

By Nilantha Ilangamuwa

(November 16, New Delhi, Sri Lanka Guardian) “Former Chief of Sri Lanka Army General Sarath Fonseka, did his best and it was a admiring task in the Counter - terrorism operations. Many things can be learnt by other forces around the world for the military efforts in Sri Lanka. I was astounded when I heard the Tamil Tiger Chief and his entire subordinates wee killed by General’s Fonseka’s forces,” said Mr. Maloy Krishna Dhar, the former joint director, Intelligence Bureau of India, in an exclusive interview to the Sri Lanka Guardian at his residence in New Delhi.

M K Dhar’s career with the Intelligence Bureau spanned for nearly three decades, during which he witnessed innumerable counter-terrorism, counter- espionage and political operations. He specialized in counterintelligence measures against Pakistan’s covert and overt aggressions and the proxy war Pakistan had unleashed in the past few decades against India. Mr. Dhar is also the author of several books including Open Secret: India’s Intelligence Unveiled, Mission to Pakistan- An Intelligence Agent in Pakistan, Train to India: Memories of Another Bengal and Fulcrum of Evil - ISI, CIA, Al Qaeda Nexus.

Speaking about post war era in Sri Lanka, Mr, Dhar says, “Now is the time start a national reconciliation programme in Sri Lanka and it must succeed without being motivated by petty selfish political gains as some of the elected governments did in the past. The regime must change to respond to the needs of the people to enjoy their rights by finding a sustainable solution.”

“There were things happened that hurt the Indo- Lanka relations in the past. That is history. We have to improve our relationship in a friendly way. Present position is cooperation. I think India is very smooth in its approach towards Sri Lanka and they have given military and humanitarian aids to crush the Tigers,” Mr. Dhar added.

According to Mr. Dhar, “There is no possibility of the LTTE being re-organized, even the Transnational Government will just limit itself to talks and only fulfill its role for the Tamil Diaspora. It cannot work on the grounds i.e., with the Tamil people in Sri Lanka.”

“It is clear majority of Indian Tamil are opposed to the Tamil Tigers even they are not highly concerned about the Tamil cause in Sri Lanka. Only some Tamil politicians talk about Eelam, but it shouldn’t bother us” he said.

Commenting on Indo-Pak relations, Mr. Dhar claimed Pakistan is fueling violence to destabilise India. According to him Pakistan authorities have clearly supported the recent terrorist attacks in India including the 11/26 Mumbai attack.

When asked about allegations against India by Pakistan over the recent attacks in Pakistani soil, he said: “We can’t blame without hard evidence. We have experience in Kasmir where Taliban had fought with the Indian forces. But I know there are some things happening in Baluchistan. It’s geo-political strategy.”

“Pakistan is a collapsing country with deadly nuclear arsenal and major Chinese presence and the western experts opine that sooner than later the Islamic jihadi groups from Central Asia, western China and even southern Russia may throng in the Pakistani soil and make the country the platform for international jihadi against Christianity, Hinduism and Judaism.

"Maloy Krishna Dhar (68) was born in Kamalpur, Bhairab-Mymensingh in East Bengal. As a youngster, he and his family migrated to India walking through bloodbath.He taught in a college and worked as a junior staff reporter before joining the Indian Police Service in 1964. He was drafted to the Central Intelligence Bureau in 1968."
_______________________

“In strategic calculations, these factors are relevant, though in the immediate future the USA and the NATO may not allow Pakistan to collapse just for the sake of making their last ditched efforts to win the mission impossible in Afghanistan.

“India is also not interested in the collapse of Pakistan. If Pakistan collapses and if the army swings to uncertainly, persons like Hakimullah and waves of jihadi’s may start diverting their activities in India. Their aim is to establish an Islamic Emirates incorporating Afghanistan and Pakistan and capture India, a country with second largest Muslim population. India is a buffer between Islamicised Middle East, Afghanistan and Pakistan and the rest of South and South East Asia,” he concluded.”

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The Journey of a Journalist (Part 12B)

By Shelton A. Gunaratne©2009

(November 16, Washington, Sri Lanka Guardian) As the external examiner in communication studies at Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia in the summer of 1997, I agreed to perform two tasks:

1. To submit a report evaluating the UKM communication studies program based on criteria relevant to Asia in general, and Malaysia in particular.
2. To teach a three-hour graduate class in International Communication on Saturdays, and to participate in other activities benefitting Malaysia.

Safar put me up in his old office because he was enjoying the office facilities of the department chair. He also gave me daily rides to campus and return rides home almost every work day. On days when our schedules clashed, I would either take a bus ride or hitchhike.

During the first few days, I got to know many of the faculty, mostly female. On the first day, I met Asiah Sarji, an outgoing lecturer who spent much of her time in the main office. The next day, lecturer Faridah Ibrahim, whom I had met before, dropped by for a chat. Safar also introduced me to lecturer Umi Malika Khattab, a Sri Lankan married to an Algerian. I also exchanged greetings with Rahmah Hashim and deputy dean Samsudin Rahim. Subsequently, Safar introduced me to Shamsul Amri Baharuddin, dean of the faculty of humanities and social sciences.

About a week after my arrival, Safar and I spent some time to discuss the applicability of the criteria used by the Accrediting Council on Education in Journalism and Mass Communications for evaluating the UKM program. Following a communication department meeting on July 2, Safar conveyed me the news that the faculty had decided not to accept the ACEJMC criteria for evaluating the UKM program. On July 4, I interviewed deputy dean Samsudin Rahim, a PhD in communication from Wisconsin, to ascertain his views on the UKM program. On July 9, I attended a departmental meeting (with Asiah, Faridah, Safar and Umi participating) to discuss the UKM communication course structure. The next morning, I had a conversation with Syed Arabi Idid, a senior communications professor, to pick up his views. I also wanted to know the student opinion on the UKM program. On July 21, I interviewed two Indian students.

I tried to make sense of all the interviews I conducted when I assumed the role of journalist-scholar and started word processing my report to the vice chancellor on Aug. 2. I finished writing my report on Aug. 10. I invited Safar to visit me that evening and offer suggestions. He did. I spent Aug. 12 afternoon refining my report. In its final form, the report turned out to be a 5,000-word document—23 pages, double-spaced.

On the last Friday (Aug. 15) of my stint at UKM, Safar joined me in the afternoon to meet with Dean Shamsul to discuss my external examiner’s report. The next morning at 7.30, Safar and I visited the vice chancellor, Dato Mohd Sham Mohd Sani, to whom I formally submitted my report. We spent about a half-hour discussing the report.

The UKM communication faculty held a lengthy meeting Aug. 20. Later, Safar told me that “the reception to the [external examiner’s] report was positive.” I do not know what impact my report had on the subsequent developments in the UKM communication program. But I do know that UKM elevated the department of communication into the present school (pusat pengajian) of media and communication studies (PPMK) with Latiffah Pawanteh as its first chairperson when it restructured its faculties in 2001. The school offers three undergraduate programs—media and communication, which combined two major sequences—print and broadcasting; communication and information management, which combined elements of PR and advertising with courses of ICT faculty; and communication and public policy, which combined development communication with part of political science. The post-graduate program was revamped and renamed communication management at master’s level. PhD is still full thesis.

The current chairperson of the school is Faridah Ibrahim.

In a recent letter, Safar asserted that the restructuring hit the department “like a tsunami; we were almost swept away for good.”
Teaching and Lecturing

I enjoyed teaching the graduate course in International Communication though my mature-age students were not dedicated to attending class on Saturdays. The class attracted eight students on the first day, but two dropped out before the next meeting; and the class size remained at that level. Safar joined me to listen to my lectures and enliven the discussions.

The first class meeting was on June 21 (2 p.m. - 5 p.m.), the day my family arrived in Malaysia to join me. [My family—Yoke Sim, Junius and Carmel—were shopping in Kajang while I was teaching.] Safar helped me to conduct the laboratory component that preceded the lecture at the second class meeting on June 28. [After the class, I joined my family to visit Yoke Sim’s mother and siblings in Petaling Jaya. Incidentally, this was a rare occasion that my children were meeting their Chinese kith and kin.]

I used the lab period of the next class meeting to teach how to produce tables and graphics with Microsoft Word to illustrate the data discussed in scholarly essays. The fourth class meeting (July 12) attracted only three students probably because our meeting clashed with the Convocation. The fifth class meeting (July 19) coincided with the departure of my family back to the United States. Four attended the sixth class meeting (July 26).

To ensure that I could cover all the needed content before my departure, I conducted two sessions of the class on Aug. 2—seventh meeting from 10 a.m. to 12.30 p.m., and eighth meeting from 2 – 4 in the afternoon. The class met for the ninth meeting on Aug. 9 afternoon, when we discussed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the related covenants on civil and political rights and on economic, social and cultural rights. Asiah, who attended part of the class proceedings, expressed regret that she failed to attend my public lecture on “News values versus social responsibility” Thursday afternoon. I concluded my lectures to IC class at their tenth and final meeting Aug. 16. Safar helped me grade the papers submitted by students who completed the IC course.

I had the opportunity to participate in the “World views on human rights” symposium on Aug. 15 morning. I drew on the U.S. Bill of Rights (the first 10 amendments to the constitution) to illustrate core human rights. My current view, however, is that no rights exist without reciprocal responsibilities.

On July 23 evening, I addressed a gathering of more than 80 communication students at the neighboring Universiti Putra Malaysia, Serdang. My topic was “News values versus social responsibility: A conflict arising from Occidental cosmology.” I gave the speech on the invitation of Mohd Salleh Hassan, chairman of UPM’s communication department.

Grateful old students

I was delighted to see a handful of Malaysians who introduced themselves to me as my former USM students. I ran into three of them at a digital photography exhibition at Renaissance Palm Garden Hotel, Putrajaya, on July 19 evening. One was Abdul Rahman Suleiman, then MP for Parit Buntar, Perak. The second was Dr. Azmudin Ibrahim. The third was Nayan Ahmad, managing director, Incas.

Fatimah Saad, who introduced herself as a USM student of mine at the Amic conference, invited me to visit her office on July 31. A vehicle from the National Population and Family Development Board took me to the LAPKN Building in Kuala Lumpur. Fatimah, who retired as director-general of NPFBD in 2006, introduced me to another of my former USM students, Azman Amin bin Hassan, an official of the Department of National Unity.

Brenda Marshall, another former USM student of mine who worked as a marketing support executive for the New Straits Times (before she became the chief operating officer of Scicom Academy) invited me for dinner (Aug. 17) with her family and a few other visitors at her home in Petaling Jaya. Brenda’s husband Vishwa gave me a ride back to Bangi.

Mohd Safar Hasim of UKM and Eric Loo of the University of Wollongong were the only two former USM students who kept in touch with me after becoming journalism and communication educators. Safar paid his dues by inviting me back to Malaysia and devoting a lot of time and attention to my needs. On Aug. 21, Safar and the rest of communication faculty at UKM gave me a sendoff luncheon at Hotel Equatorial.

To enjoy the nostalgia of my adventures in Penang more than two decades ago, I and my family took a train trip to Butterworth on July 13 and stayed a couple of days in Batu Ferrenghi at Rasa Sayang, the very hotel that “discriminated” against me (see Part 5C). My long-standing American buddy Jim Bowers and his wife Kathleen were our companions on this trip. The next day, I took my son Junius and daughter Carmel to show the USM campus where their dad, the erstwhile “Weligama Podda,” worked in the mid-‘70s. Khor Yoke Lim, an associate professor who was a student of mine at USM, showed us around the campus in her car. I could hardly recognize the building where I had my office. The day before we left Penang, we visited the Mahindarama Buddhist Temple. The monk we met was a stranger, and the temple premises had changed. The truth of anicca reverberated again.

In the Public Sphere

I documented my impressions on Malaysia at the end of my second sojourn in a letter published in the New Straits Times (Aug. 28, 1997). It highlighted the following points:

o Malaysia has features of both the First and Third World. The North-South Expressway, the Petronas Twin Towers and the Multimedia Super Corridor, among others, are indeed features of the First World. The rush-hour chaos at the Pudu Raya bus station and the vicinity reflects the Third World at its worst. o The automobile toll from Kuala Lumpur to Bangi via the Kajang exit, a distance of about 35km, is a hefty RM3.20 (return). How exactly PLUS worked out the hefty toll rates may remain a mystery to the ordinary motorist. Its reasoning could have been: If you are rich enough to own a motor vehicle, you certainly can afford to pay the toll we demand. This is a classic case of monopoly. I hope that a review of the toll rates will be held soon. o The world's tallest twin towers now happen to be in Kuala Lumpur. Some Western observers have turned sarcastic because of jealousy and envy. Occidental cosmology dictates that progress is limited to the Centre (First World), not the Periphery (Third World). Asia at the end of the 20th century is ready to prove that progress is not the prerogative of the West, which has dominated the world through a series of historical accidents. o Westerners have also turned sarcastic about Malaysia's attempt to leapfrog into the Information Age through the multi-billion dollar Multimedia Super Corridor and Indonesia's attempt to do the same through Nusantara 21. These initiatives are required in order to be competitive in today's world. However, as Occidental cosmology has it, only the Centre has the God-given capacity to lead the world. Let us not fall victim to this conceited viewpoint. Malaysia should make every effort to make the fruits of its technological achievements available to its ordinary citizens instead of giving in to the extravagant profit motivation of private enterprise. What we need is a humane capitalism consistent with Asian religious beliefs, not the greed of Occidental capitalism. o The boarding area at the Pudu Raya bus station and similar terminals elsewhere in Malaysia should be improved. It's a shame that the air-conditioned express bus station suffers from poor planning. After descending the staircase to board a bus, a passenger has no fume-free area to wait in comfort. Also, why is it so difficult to get passengers to queue up at clearly designated bus stops? I suggest that each bus stop have a signboard carrying the bus number and the various stops along the route and, if possible, a timetable of departures. No out-of-town passenger should have to guess which bus stop will lead to where. Let there be facilities to queue up so that no one can jump the queue. o Malaysia, which wants to attract tourists and foreign investors, may have to concede that, like it or not, English is the global language. Intense nationalism in the last three decades has resulted in the exclusive use of Bahasa Malaysia for various public signboards. We should take steps to provide bilingual signboards wherever possible to make matters easier for everyone. Malaysians need not follow the example of the French, who refuse to recognize English as the global language. We should be astute enough to understand that English is no longer a language exclusive to the occidental imperialists. The people of Malaysia, India and China have developed their own versions of English as well.

I quoted this letter almost in full because much of it is pertinent to contemporary Sri Lanka as well, particularly with regard to public transportation and the new expressways.
Excursus

I received the following letter from Mohd Safar Hasim on Oct. 4, 2009:

Your writings brought [me] a nostalgic feeling about Sri Lanka.

I went to Colombo, if I am not mistaken in 1995, to present a paper on Press Council.

I stayed at Oberoi Hotel in the town centre (not far from [the] Malay settlement called Slave Island). The day I arrived, a human bomb exploded in front of the Defence Ministry. Otherwise, everything was normal in Colombo.

The thing I remembered most was when a five-piece band played ‘Negaraku’ in a very melodious way. You would remember that ‘Negaraku’ [My Country] is Malaysia’s national anthem. I enquired from the band players how they came to know about the music. They said it was a song taught to them [by] Indonesian sailors in the 1960s. It was a love song. I told them it was Malaysia's national anthem. I took some pictures, and wrote a letter to editor (New Straits Times).

One more thing. The first Malay newspaper (in Jawi script) was Alamat Langkapuri (alamat is address, Lanka is Sri Lanka and puri is town). This could mean Dateline Sri Lanka (or Colombo?) was published in Sri Lanka in 1862, some four or five years earlier than Jawi Peranakan published in Singapore. Another publication called Wajah Silong (The Face of Ceylon) was published at about the [same] time.

I made a copy of the Alamat Langkapuri ( complete series). But the words are difficult to decipher. Although in Jawi, it was not all in Malay. There was a mixture of Indonesian words. Many of the Malays living in Slave Island came from Indonesia, especially from Islands east of Java, Amboyna. Some were from Malaysia. They were supposed to be banished by the Dutch to Sri Lanka. (But why the Dutch when Sri Lanka was under the British? Got to check this).

End of “The Journey of a Journalist.”

“Travels of a journalist” will appear from time to time.

[The writer is professor of mass communications emeritus, Minnesota State University Moorhead. He dedicates this installment to the memory of the villagers extraordinaire of Pathegama who nurtured him (“Weligama Podda”) as a promising child but did not live long enough to see him grow into a global citizen.]

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By N.S.Venkataraman

( November 16, Chennai, Sri Lanka Guardian) After tumultous period of unrest and violence due to militant activities , Sri Lanka is now looking forward to time of peace and growth and progress. Obviously, the Government of Sri Lanka as well as Sri Lankan and international investors should cease this opportunity to identify the appropriate areas of investment in Sri Lanka and implement projects with time bound action plans in tune with the global trends and scenario.

While Sri Lanka has many advantages in terms of natural resources such as rubber and tea plantations and mineral resources such as ilmenite deposits , careful strategic plans have to be devised to develop and exploit these resources by converting them into profitable finished products and get value additions.

So far, Sri Lanka has been exporting several of its natural products and deposits without value addition and in the process has been losing investment and economic growth opportunities for the country. Such scenario cannot any more be justified, since Sri Lanka has no reasons for not doing so after the end of the militancy and ushering in of the period of normalcy now. Sri Lanka may lack technological expertise and resources at present for exploiting its several natural resources and for making investments in viable chemical and agro chemical projects. But , the initiation of skilful policy measures and schemes by the Sri Lankan government can attract massive investments from the technologically developed countries and multi national companies, who can bring forth the technological inputs and investments for mutual benefits.

Sri Lanka can take clue from the growth strategies and programmes of the Government of Singapore, where the availability of natural resources are less than that of Sri Lanka and the size and population of Singapore is also much less compared to Sri Lanka. Many chemical projects of high technological standards have been set up in Singapore in recent times like huge petro chemical complex and several products like poly carbonate, poly vinyl alcohol etc. which are not produced even by larger country like India. Singapore has encouraged investments in bio technological and bio pharmaceutical field in a big way by attracting several multi national companies. While Singapore does not have any worthwhile market, the massive chemical projects are planned in Singapore with international market in view. Sri Lankan government can certainly do whatever the Singapore government has done and even may do better in view of the several natural advantages that Sri Lanka has, as compared to Singapore.

Several chemical investment opportunities in Sri Lanka can readily be cited. For example, with the availability of ilmenite mineral deposits of fairly good quality standards, a large titanium complex can be set up in Sri Lanka that would involve the production of synthetic rutile, titanium dioxide pigment, titanium metal etc. which are ilemenite based products. The global demand for titanium dioxide is around 4 million tonnes per annum and it is increasing steadily at 4% per annum in the world. Titanium dioxide is a very valuable pigment that is extensively used in the production of paint, ink , plastics and several other products. Many companies produce titanium dioxide in the world even though there is no ilmenite deposits in the country, by importing the requirement of ilmenite. Singapore is an immediate example. Titanium metal, which is a strategic metal used extensively in aircrafts, defence, chemical projects etc. is another important product that can be made from ilmentie deposits.

Another great investment opportunity for Sri Lanka is the chemicals that can be produced from tea. Green tea poly phenol is a very significant product made from green tea that has important nutraceutical applications and whose demand is growing up at impressive rate in the global market. Caffeine is another important chemical from tea waste. Such products can be produced in Sri Lanka with great advantages and would significantly contribute to the improvement in the economy of tea plantations.

There is an activated carbon project from coconut shell which is already operating in Sri Lanka. But, opportunities exist for more capacity creation for activated carbon and several other value added nutraceutical products from coconut can be produced in elegant manner.

Sri Lanka should also actively consider setting up a petro chemical complex with big investment from multi national companies that would pave way for production of several down stream petro chemical products and polymers and additives, which would open up huge employment avenues and demand for skilled jobs.

While the above opportunities have been stated as examples , many other growth avenues exist in the field of chemical industries particularly in food processing, bio technology and bio pharmaceutical sector.

Sri Lankan government should consider creating separate zones for research and development activities, where several multi national companies would show interests in investments due to the comparatively lower operating costs in Sri Lanka . Such research and development centres would strengthen the much needed technological base in Sri Lanka considerably in the long run. Sri Lanka has to take urgent steps to create at least one technological educational institution of international standards. It can take some help from Indian Institutes of Technology that are functioning in India with good standard and credits.

Sri Lanka should not let go the opportunities that the conditions of peace now offer. The international investors are waiting and watching and would march towards Sri Lanka with great interest if the government of Sri Lanka would be able to introduce appropriate policies and schemes and create the right conditions for growth.

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By Kishali Pinto Jayawardene

(November 16, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) There are those of us who are all too shudderingly familiar with the two tongued approach of 'abuses at home and cover-up abroad' faithfully followed by Governments of Sri Lanka (whether UNP, UNF, SLFP, PA or UPFA) in international fora regarding the rights of the country's citizens. However, even measured against this abysmal standard, last week's so called formal Governmental response to the critical European Commission's October 19 Report on the preconditions that need to be satisfied for GSP Plus to be renewed, indicated a new level of degenerative duplicity.

Actual demonstrated commitment

Let me be quite clear on this point. The crux of this critique is not to dismiss out of hand, the contention that powerful pro-LTTE lobbies in Western capitals exert considerable influence with politicians in those countries. However, whatever influence may be so exerted, such pressure cannot have any impact if a government is actually able to demonstrate that it has minimum level of commitment to international norms as well as (for that matter) domestic norms regarding the protection of rights. Note, we are talking of 'minimal levels' here with the consequent inference that even those 'minimal levels' are yet not satisfied. Note also that we are talking of commitments according to our domestic Constitution and laws that are disregarded. In its response, the Government is bitter about its perception that this is a 'tit-for tat' reaction to its resolve to militarily finish the LTTE and mentions, though not by name, other countries which ( though having serious human rights violations on its record) have been granted the GSP Plus privilege.

Initial granting of GSP Plus

This same reasoning however is immediately faulty when applied to Sri Lanka itself. Let us not forget the fact that the GSP Plus privilege was, in fact, granted to Sri Lanka in 2005 when much of these same deficiencies plagued our domestic systems. Could we at that time even, be said to have had praiseworthy compliance with international conventions which we had ratified including the two main treaties, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the Convention against Torture (CAT)?
Yet when we look at what happened since 2005 and the flagrant thumbing of our noses to the international community including the Sinharasa decision of Sri Lanka's Supreme Court dismissing the Optional Protocol to the ICCPR which probably may have been the first time that a Supreme Court across the world had used the concept of judicial power to defeat the obligations of an international treaty.

This decision is well known to have been motivated by former Chief Justice Sarath Silva's extreme hubris being affronted when called to account by the Geneva based United Nations Human Rights Committee for arbitrary judicial behaviour, including the sentencing of a lay litigant to contempt of court for one year due to his talking loudly in court. So we said that we do not respect the Optional Protocol despite remaining a party to it. Worse, we then went and passed into law, a so-called "ICCPR Act' which even a year one law student, on reading, would have concluded was just a farce with a grandiose title. No amount of 'judicial opinions' declaring that all was well with Sri Lanka's compliance with international treaty obligations would suffice to correct the damage that had been caused.

Negation of constitutional norms

Further, the deliberate negation of the 17th Amendment, in fact, undercut all the pledges that Sri Lanka had, in fact, made to the European Commission when applying for the GSP Plus benefit in the first place. So the issue is not having serious human rights violations on its record pure and simple. The issue is also extreme arrogance, ranging from unleashing vitriolic anti-Western propagandists (by a government which has amusingly many of its key figures having one leg here and another leg in some Western capital) to calling key United Nations diplomats 'terrorists' and finally, in an exercise of absolute self defeatism, refusing to respond to the European Commission's (EC) investigation as to the extent to which the Sri Lankan systems have implemented the key international conventions. Last week's response by the Government to the EC's Final Report is yet another exercise in this same futility. While a detailed analysis of this response should be undertaken elsewhere due to limited column space, the discrepancies are immediately glaring.

The Government's response

For example, the Government's response to the Tissainayagan's case and the question of a pardon is a blatant misrepresentation of the law in that it is stated that until the appeal process is exhausted, the President cannot exercise the prerogative of executive clemency. Yet the legal and constitutional position is actually quite different. As pointed out in this column previously, executive pardon may be exercised at the lower stage of a High Court and indeed, even the Magistrate's Court convictions as was in fact, evidenced in at least two occasions in the past, one of which concerned a pardon issued by none other than President Mahinda Rajapakse himself to Minister Arumugam Thondaman when convicted of contempt by a lower court.

This similar duplicity pervades the government response. For example, it is maintained that the judicial incorporation of the right to life by a three member bench of Sri Lanka's Supreme Court in three cases is sufficient and that there is no need to enact this right, either into our constitutional provisions or safeguard it in the criminal law by enacting an offence of prohibition of enforced disappearances. However, this reasoning is also faulty.

Spurious justifications

As pointed out by this columnist elsewhere, absenting several important ICCPR rights on the spurious justification that these are already part of the constitutional framework cannot be justified. Decisions incorporating the right to life are not attended by any guarantee of absolute certainty in Sri Lanka's legal system, in the first instance, as these rulings were handed down by Benches constituting of three judges and as such, are liable to be departed from by later Benches constituting of more conservative judges and may even be rejected at some point in time as an unwarranted expansion of the law. Thus, it may be argued that the implied right to life is not unequivocally part of Sri Lanka's constitutionally guaranteed rights framework until it is so affirmed by a Full Bench of the Court.

Even then, the inclusion of these articles in specific statutory form is highly desirable. It was precisely on this same reasoning that the CAT Act was enacted, despite the prior existence of a specific constitutional provision, namely Article 11, prohibiting torture and other forms of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. If therefore the same reasoning on which it is sought to justify the non-inclusion of the right to life in the ICCPR Act is applied to the CAT Act, then there would be little reason for the enactment of the latter Act as well, given (as aforesaid) the pre-existing constitutional right enshrined in Article 11.
These are issues that should be addressed at least now honestly and with sincerity.

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By Gamini Weerakoon

(November 16, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Despite the darkness at noon in sunny Sri Lanka in the past two weeks — first caused by hovering monsoon clouds and last week the depression in the Arabian Sea — there has been a steady stream of sunshine coming through.

Read the headlines in Lake House press: Jobs for 17,000 graduates; Govt committed to protect all; President benefited the nation; Teachers to go IT savvy; SriLankan records 80 percent passenger increase; Face lift for Colombo and much more; Govt to protect free education; Economic performance in line with IMF targets; Anarchy will be dealt with — President, and much more such as salary hikes for government servants and enhanced allowances for the armed forces. Surprisingly we could not find the headline announcing the slash in prices of ten essential commodities.

Experienced political weathermen will say that such sunshine stories from Lake House and other state organisations had not always resulted in the expected fallout at elections. But their immediate concern should be about the impending elections.

Fonseka in focus

The focus is on General Sarath Fonseka, who resigned from the post of Chief of Defence Staff on Thursday but despite intense speculation of being chosen as the common opposition candidate, he has made no pronouncement on it — at least till these comments are being penned. The General who had been described by a retired Indian general ‘as the best in the world’ after the victory over terrorism and his army which was declared by many in the UPFA as the ‘best army in the world,’ last week was in focus. It was reported that the Mahanayake theras of the three chapters (nikayas) are to issue a decree (Sangha Angawa) against General Fonseka contesting a possible presidential election.

Sangha Angawa

Clearly, the venerable monks have got it all wrong. The Buddhist tradition in this country has been for monks to keep out of politics and not take to it, or not to prevent others from coming into politics. There is still a very strong belief among Buddhists that monks should keep out of politics. It was only in the 2001 parliamentary election that a Buddhist monk — Ven. Samitha entered parliament for the first time.

The understanding among Buddhists has been that those who take to the saffron robes, do so to rid themselves of suffering through samsara by seeking refuge in the teachings of the Buddha. But this belief has crumbled with the JHU becoming a party dominated by Buddhist monks and some of them becoming MPs. Now some politically oriented monks have gone further and are attempting to issue a ‘Sangha Angawa’ to pre-empt Gen. Fonseka contesting the elections!

This is reminiscent of Mullahs issuing fatwas on issues not necessarily concerned with their faith. Are our monks too attempting to convert this country into a theocracy like what has happened to Iran? Monks have played the role of being advisors to ruling monarchs down the ages but acquiring judicial or religious powers to dictate to the army commanders of kings have been unheard of. This move is a quantum jump from the traditionally advisory role to rulers of the land to direct assumption of executive and judicial roles.

No Angawa against thugs?

Even though we disagree and oppose the sangha issuing such decrees against any politician, it would make some sense a least, if they issue such decrees on politicians who are behaving like brazen thugs blessed with impunity. One such politician during a fracas in the hallowed chamber of parliament squeezed the testicles of a supposedly venerable monk who had to seek refuge in the National Hospital. Strangely the maha sangha maintained a deafening silence on this disgraceful incident and this despicable character continues to enjoy political patronage at the highest level while engaging himself in intimidating the public, particularly journalists, as and when he desires.

He is alleged to have once again demonstrated his braying potential by rallying a mob of political goondas to hoot at General Fonseka on his return from the Kelaniya Temple on Thursday on submitting his letter of resignation.

The standard argument made for monks to enter politics is that historically they have been the ‘Guardians of the Buddha Sasana’. Are these ‘Guardians of the Buddha Sasana’ now attempting to protect Buddhism from General Fonseka whom they kept proclaiming without any reservations during the past few poya full moons, as the saviour of the nation and saviour of Sinhala Buddhism by wiping out LTTE terrorism?

Whether Gen. Fonseka should take to politics and if so what his political affiliations should be is a matter for him to decide on, not for monks who had given up all worldly affairs to seek the way through samsara from suffering and attain nirvana. If they want to support a candidate of their choice let them use their influence among voters to act accordingly but not resort to the Buddha Dhamma to issue decrees which are incompatible with the liberal ethos and culture of Buddhism

Vote bank

It is manifestly obvious that all who object to the possibility of Gen. Fonseka coming forward as an opposition candidate at a presidential election fear his capability of devouring President Rajapaksa’s vote bank — the Sinhala-Buddhist vote, particularly in the south. To contest an election seeking a block of votes be it Sinhala-Buddhist, Tamil- Hindu or Catholic-Sinhala/Tamil is the democratic right of every Sri Lankan citizen. No one has the title deeds to Sinhala-Buddhism or being appointed sole agent for it keeping out others. To claim such sole proprietorship is like the claim of Velupillai Pirapaharan that he was the sole representative of the Tamil people.

President Mahinda Rajapaksa, no doubt played a key role in winning the 30 year war on terrorism whereas others before him failed. His unwavering commitment to the cause and not being distracted by world powers made him achieve his objectives. The people will no doubt judge him on his merits just as much Gen. Fonseka would be, if he presents himself as a candidate. All candidates should be judged not only on their past glories but what their plans are for the future of the nation. That, the voters have yet to be appraised of.

President Rajapaksa has an immediate task before him: Create conditions to conduct an election free of political thuggery that appears to be rampant right now.

( The writer, former editor in chief of the " The Island" )

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By Rajpal Abeynayake

(November 16, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Sarath Fonseka? Whether he should contest or not contest is no more – and no less – an existential poser, than pondering the Shakespearean ‘to be or not to be.’

I’d say that there is no point not meeting the issue head-on. All prevarication about the matter makes everybody look ridiculous, because this is the news – and one cannot possibly ignore the breaking news.

In the first place, all the pundits should be told, look, it’s ridiculous if this argument is approached on the basis of the legitimacy of Sarath Fonseka’s putative candidature.

I’m talking in terms of legitimacy as by law. Of course it’s democratic for Sarath Fonseka to contest.

I was watching with glee the unfolding of some pundits’ prognostications that the president can desist from accepting his resignation letter.

I remember thinking what a lot of self-important tosh that was.

Oh come on. This is not J. R. Jayewardene deciding mid-term that the civic rights of Mrs. Bandaranaike should be withdrawn. That was a long term plan, couched in the legitimacy of a sitting Commission’s deliberations and all that.

Public relations calamity

Can the sudden suggestion by a pundit that Fonseka be forestalled by curtly rejecting his resignation be taken seriously?

Most definitely not. The president cannot arbitrarily NOT accept a resignation just because he wants to forestall a possible rival candidate from contesting – and that too, just apparently months away from the election, provided a presidential election is called.
Talk about “arbitrary and capricious’’ – a simple open and shut case for any un-rigged court.
Moreover, any such goading of the president to do this would result in a public relations calamity for the president, because repeat – this is not J.R. Jayewardene systemically de-legitimising Sirmavo; this decision if made, would be a sudden slap-bang command that says “you can’t contest now – you go to hell.”

That’s unorthodox to put it mildly, but more importantly what it does is to undermine the president’s legitimacy in such a way as to make JRJ’s subterfuge look like a picnic. Does Mahinda Rajapaksa want to risk that despite all the columnists goading him on, for whatever reason?

I don’t think so, which is why he has at the time of going to press, in fact decided to accept Fonseka’s resignation – and so much for pundits who are dazzled by their own too-clever for their own boots’ prognostications.

Now, there may be others who try to pick holes about the democratic legitimacy of a putative Sarath Fonseka candidacy.

This is stupid squared. The fact remains that the man democratically can contest, and there is no constructional stipulation that can stop him. As far as I know, there are a very few stipulations that could stop a man from contesting the presidency if he wants to, and among these are that a person may not be a convicted criminal, and that he or she must not be insane.

Whatever some people may try to say about him, I think clearly Sarath Fonseka cannot be disqualified on ether of these counts that would forestall a possible run for the presidency – so that’s out of the way. There is no question about the legal legitimacy of the ex-army commander’s putative run for the highest office.

People should therefore if they want to get onto a valuable pursuit, not waste time talking about the moral legitimacy of his candidacy.

The question is not whether Fonseka can contest – the question is whether he should. On the one hand, Fonseka is a hero, and each time the Rajapaksas say “we won the war’’ Fonseka scores some points of his own as if by default.

The government has done little else other than winning the war, and in this political climate, its obvious why the opposition is delirious about the fact that they think they have found a man who can pull the rug right from under the Rajapaksas’ feet.

Crass aspects of Rajapaksa regime

No doubt therefore about the fact that Fonseka offers some resistance to the crass aspects of the Rajapaksa regime – the rampant corruption and impunity, and the ludicrous family bandyism etc.., and the move towards the entrenchment of a plutocratic quasi-dictatorship.

But then, the question is whether Fonseka, a General, can, if he wins, in fact govern the country – or whether he would simply be swamped by the UNP’s oligarchic cabal who are propelled forward essentially by one thing - - the fact that they have been missing power for so long.

Will Fonseka be swamped by the opposition’s baying mob, or will he use his General’s training to swamp them, and knock them out and establish a despotic quasi-military regime himself?

In this fluid but down-to-the-wire situation, all of these are possibilities.

The simple calculus is that many negatives and many positives come with a possible Fonseka run for the presidency – something that now seems not just possible but almost a certainty, judging by the recent shape of events.

Great positives

So, who, we may ask, are the candidates who do not have positives and negatives? The Rajapaksas have great positives such as giving overall leadership to the war, and Mahinda Rajapaksa has aeons experience in politics and in power. But the Rajapaksas have enormous negatives, such as a sense of entitlement to power that is manifest to the point of attempting to withhold democratic rights, encouraging oligarchic cabal rule, and diddling the exchequer while doing all of this.

Therefore, there is no questioning the moral legitimacy of Fonseka to contest. The opposition is entitled to field the candidate who they feel has the best chance of winning – and you can’t fault them for getting this one thing right. Fonseka is the one good challenger against Rajapaksa this post-war election season, and any donkey should be able to see that.

But there is one sanguine alternative available to Rajapaksas. Let the man run, and then defeat him. The president, seasoned political operator that he is, has a sense that it will be a cold day in hell before he listens to nattering political pundits who want him to reject Fonseka’ resignation letter. He says – “game on’’, and may the best man win. He is sure he is the best man, and he is sure that is right.

The only thing that seems left for us the citizenry to do, then, is to wait and watch.

(The writer, editor of the Lakbima News)

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By Shemal Fernando

(November 16, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) The Patronal feast cum Birthday of His Grace the Archbishop of Colombo, the Most Rev. Dr. Albert Malcolm Ranjith falls on November 15. His Patron Saint is St. Albert the Great.

The world and our Church become so rich and beautiful because of the variety of persons God has given to lead us. At the peak of his service to both Church and Nation, Archbishop Malcolm epitomizes rare and rich qualities of fidelity to his religion.

The Holy Father, His Holiness Pope Benedict XVI at an audience conceded to Archbishop Malcolm at the 'Apostolic Palace' almost a year ago disclosed to him, his desire to consider him to be appointed the Archbishop of Colombo, motivated by the needs of the local Church and overwhelming requests made by Sri Lankans all over the world and further realizing the need to strengthen peace and reconciliation among the various communities in Sri Lanka.

In consequence, at a decisive moment in the history of Sri Lanka, Archbishop Malcolm was appointed by Pope Benedict XVI as the Metropolitan Archbishop of Colombo on June 16, this year. Later, he was installed as the 9th Archbishop of Colombo on August 5. Pope Benedict XVI imparting his Apostolic Blessings on Archbishop Malcolm on the occasion expressed his sincere thanks to him for the fidelity, commitment and competence with which he exercised the duties in the Vatican.

Archbishop Malcolm served as the Secretary of the Holy Father's powerful Congregation for Divine Worship and the Discipline of the Sacraments located in the precincts of the famed St. Peter's Basilica in Rome until his appointment to spearhead the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka.

Archbishop Malcolm's inspiring speech at the Installation Ceremony started with the words, "My soul glorifies the Lord and my spirit rejoices in God my Saviour".
These which are the words that sprang from the heart of Mary, our heavenly Mother at a time when she experienced her special election by God for the unique mission and Archbishop Malcolm befittingly selected the same to express his immense sense of gratitude to God.

His ability to converse and understand the problems of the Catholic Church spread throughout the world and his commitment and dedication in the execution of the enormous responsibilities of the Universal Church on his shoulders has made him one of the most influential voices in the Church. He has mastered ten languages - Italian, German, French, Hebrew, Greek, Latin, Spanish, English, Sinhala and Tamil.

Archbishop Malcolm had his ecclesiastic studies at Pontifical Urban University and Pontifical Biblical Institute of Rome. Later, from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, he obtained a Baccalaureate in Theology, a Licentiate in Sacred Scripture and a Special Certificate in Biblical Studies. He has had a fast rise in the church ranks. He was ordained a Priest at 27 by Pope Paul VI in Rome, appointed a Bishop at 43 by Pope John Paul II and elevated an Archbishop at 53 by Pope John Paul II.

Liturgy Circular

Known as a tireless servant of truth, justice and freedom, Archbishop Malcolm has won love, respect and admiration of people as well as religious leaders all over the world. Archbishop Malcolm by the Grace of God and favour of the Holy See issued his first Liturgy Circular No. LT CR/01 on October 7, 2009. It is a circular concerning various religious movements and services. The priests, religious and the laity of the Archdiocese promptly commended the Chief Shepherd for his bold and timely intervention in safeguarding the sacredness of the liturgy in the local Church.

First Sri Lankan Bestowed with "Pallium"

The Holy Father Pope Benedict XVI bestowed Archbishop Malcolm with the "Pallium" at a Pontifical Mass held at St. Peter's Basilica in the Vatican City in June this year. The "Pallium" is a stole worn by Metropolitan Archbishops as a sign of his mission, to care for the sheep in imitation of the Good Shepherd, and reminder of his loyalty to the successor of Peter, the Pope.

First Sri Lankan Secretary of a Congregation

Archbishop Malcolm has been blessed with many firsts in his ministry of the God Almighty. He is the first Sri Lankan to be appointed Secretary of a Congregation in the Vatican. It was Pope Benedict XVI who appointed him in December 2005 to perhaps one of the key Congregations of the Roman Curia that attends to everything pertaining to the Apostolic See concerning the regulation and promotion of the sacred liturgy, primarily of the sacraments, without prejudice to the competence of the Congregation for Doctrine of the Faith.

First Sri Lankan Papal Nuncio

Archbishop Malcolm is the first Sri Lankan to be appointed a Papal Nuncio. He served in Jakarta as the Holy Father's Apostolic Ambassador to Indonesia and East Timor from April 2004 to December 2005. The Catholic Church in Indonesia, which consists of 17,000 islands spreads to 37 Dioceses and has the biggest Catholic population amongst the countries in Asia. During his tenure as Papal Nuncio he was instrumental in enhancing mutual relations between the Vatican and Indonesia to greater heights.

First Sri Lankan Adjunct Secretary

He is also the first Sri Lankan Bishop to be appointed to the Holy See. In October 2001, he was made the Adjunct Secretary of the Congregation for the Evangelisation of Peoples along with the appointment of the President of the Pontifical Mission Societies by Pope John Paul II. It is the Holy Father's ministry for the coordination of the missionary efforts of the Church and involves growth of the local Churches in mission countries. The Adjunct Secretary is the World President of the Pontifical Mission Societies, which are the instruments of the Pope for enhancing support through prayers and contributions for the mission of the Church.

First Bishop of Ratnapura

Archbishop Malcolm was also the first shepherd to be appointed by the Holy See to the newly carved Diocese of Ratnapura. His appointment was hailed as a welcome spark to kindle the fire of missionary zeal in the hearts of the clergy and laity in the diocese. It was evident from the unprecedented numbers of well wishers of all religions that thronged to welcome him. He guided the flock of Ratnapura from November 1995 to October 2001.

Auxiliary Bishop of Colombo

He started his episcopate as Auxiliary Bishop of the Archdiocese of Colombo in 1991. He served as the Vicar General in charge of Parochial Apostolate and Lay Apostolate from 1991 to 1995.

His peers elected him the Secretary General of the Catholic Bishops' Conference of Sri Lanka as well. He served as the Chairman of the Organizing Committee for the Beatification of Ven. Joseph Vaz and the visit of Pope John Paul II to Sri Lanka in January 1995.

Early life and priesthood

Born on November 15, 1947 as the only son of Don William and Mary Winifreeda and baptised a child of God in Polgahawela, he had his education at De La Salle College, Mutwal where his priestly vocation developed and matured. He joined St. Aloysius' Seminary at Borella in 1965 and after 3 months entered the National Seminary at Ampitiya.

During the regency, Bro. Malcolm served SEDEC in the district of Ratnapura building homes for the needy. Thereafter, he joined the tutorial staff of St. Thomas' College, Kotte.

Missionary work

He served as Assistant Parish Priest of Pamunugama in 1978 and his dynamism and enthusiasm certainly shook the sleepy, backward fishing villages of Kepungoda and Dungalapitiya.

He was instrumental in supplying electricity, building houses and modernising the area. His missionary odyssey then took him through the parishes of Payagala and Kalutara where he blazed a trail of total commitment to uplift the poverty stricken fisher folk and built a vibrant Christian community.

"Seth Sarana" the Archdiocesan Centre for Poor Relief is his brain child and remains a lasting monument to his commitment to alleviate the sufferings of the poor. In 1983, Fr. Malcolm was appointed the National Director of Pontifical Mission Societies and under his enthusiastic direction a new and urgent sense of mission was created among the clergy and the people. He revived the Society of the Holy Childhood to inspire a spirit of missionary zeal in children.

Archbishop Malcolm is a warm and gentle friend gifted with great personal charisma.

He is a lucid and popular teacher of Holy Scripture; a brilliant though self-effacing intellectual; a preacher par excellence; a benefactor of countless projects; a sparkling companion... but above all, a missionary fired with apostolic zeal to proclaim Christ as the Redeemer of the World. He is well versed in the teachings of other religious and has always promoted inter-faith dialogue.

Your Grace, as you take the helm to shepherd and steer the ship of the Catholic Church, may the good Lord shower His choicest blessings upon you and grant fair winds and following seas! We wish and pray for many happy returns of the day and continued service to God and His people! Happy Birthday! Ad Multos Annos!

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By K Navaneethan from Denmark

(November 15, Copenhagen, Denmark, Sri Lanka Guardian) President Mahinda Rajapakse’s effort to rope in significant section of the affluent Tamils have miserably failed and the Sri Lankan foreign missions had to go out of the way to scramble a group of Sri Lankans to attend the highly publicised development meeting in Colombo.

The government became desperate lately and requested all its immediate loyal contacts to assemble some Tamils for the meeting. It was Minister Douglas Devananda who had come to the rescue and pooled together his party activists and a few Tamils honeymooning with him post LTTE defeat to sustain their investments in Sri Lanka.


The Foreign Missions mailed invitations to large number of Tamils and hardly few had replied to the personal appeal of the President. Some had responded by asking the President to put the ‘horse before the cart’ by finding ways to deal with the long term political crisis facing the minorities in the country.

The government supporting newspapers reported that ‘over 360 expatriate Sri Lankans from 45 or more countries are expected to participate in the crucial two day forum’. The number is said to include large number of expatriate Sinhalese and Muslims who have been included to inflate the attendance to give a ‘success message’ to the world. Whether the government is paying for their visit is not known.

‘Bridging the gap between Tamil community and the other ethnic groups is one of the key objectives of this endeavour’ said a government supporting newspaper. But the government’s objective has miserably failed as even many of those Tamils who were engaging with the government post defeat of the LTTE are not attending the conference.

One source said few pro LTTE activists from Europe are attending the function with the sole objective of establishing good rapport with the government to protect their investments in Sri Lanka. The multi-billionaire Raj Rajaratnam from the US will be the well noted absentee in the conference.

According to news reports ‘Director General of Public Communication, Ministry of Foreign Affairs Ranjith Uyangoda said yesterday that the President and several ministers including Rohitha Bogollagama, Anura Priyadharshana Yapa,Prof G.L. Pieris, were scheduled to address the delegates’.

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By Dayan Jayatilleka

(November 15, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) The second part of this paper is devoted to the Sri Lankan experience of, and further prospects for, conflict resolution in my country. It is subdivided into two parts. The first part deals with Sri Lanka’s experiences in conflict resolution, and the second part with the future prospects. I offer Sri Lanka’s experiences not because I am unmindful that the thrust of this conference and the expectation from my paper is a forward looking one, but because I think that Sri Lanka’s conflict was so high profile and complex that our experience could, if correctly comprehended, impact upon other states in South Asia, in the twin senses that a repetition of our errors could retard prospects for conflict resolution, while the adoption of our successes – if only where relevant and adaptable – could enhance and accelerate prospects for resolving and transforming conflicts.


The Sri Lankan effort at conflict resolution involved successive administrations of varying ideological persuasions, centre-right and centre-left. It also involved at various times, a major regional player, India and a European small power, Norway. (Both attempts failed due to perceptions of partiality, and should be closely scrutinized as case-studies so as to enhance the theory and practice of third party efforts at conflict resolution). Sri Lanka’s conflict entailed policies ranging from a pure military approach to a ceasefire and extensive concessions, through various mixes which gave predominance to either the military or the political. Finally the conflict in its armed form was terminated by classical military means. However, the underlying ethno-regional tensions and contradictions remain, unaddressed in some parts, heightened in others, and modified by the war in still other parts of the problem. This can lead to the recrudescence of the conflict, not so much in its armed form, which can be easily handled by the Sri Lankan armed forces whatever its intensity, but by civic conflict, which cannot be handled by such means without risk of permanent strife. This is not to dilute the enormous achievement of the Sri Lankan state, society and armed forces in crushing a terrorist armed force which was one of the best known brand names in the business. What is required is, among other things, an understanding of the specificity of the Sri Lankan achievement and the limits of its relevance and possible application. Its adoption will require considerable local adaptation.

When the insurgency was at the stage that it might have been split and undermined by reforms, the obduracy of political parties and leaders claiming to speak for the Sinhala majority, forestalled such reform. At a subsequent stage, the insurgency had grown to the point that it was dominated and then violently monopolized by the most extremist and fanatical organization. This became the main factor that precluded any serious reform, though by then the state was “walking on two legs” as Chairman Mao would have it, striving to combine political reform with military offensives. In the third stage, the administration adopted a policy of unilateral concessions which its opponents within the State and without, denounced as a policy of appeasement. Even such a policy failed to thaw the insurgent movement, which was unwilling to settle for anything less than de-facto separation and that too as a halfway house to de jure independence, openly proclaiming and inwardly believing that it could beat the state forces in any confrontation while deterring any significant external support for the state. In its final phase, the separatist insurgency having grown to the level of a contending armed force but without the undergirding, organic support structures necessary for a guerrilla force to move to stage three of the Mao-Giap schema. This provided the Sri Lankan state with the opportunity of a full-on multi-front military offensive and to defeat the Tigers in a classic denouement.

The main lessons then are, in the form of thirteen theses, the following:

Thesis I Early reforms may undercut the momentum of an insurgency; delayed ones will not.

Thesis II The success of efforts at conflict resolution depends crucially on the intrinsic character of the armed non-state actor in question. One size does not fit all.

Thesis III Distinctions must be drawn between terrorist movements and armed resistance movements as well as between rational albeit extremist/radical organizations and non-rational, fanatical or fundamentalist ones.

Thesis IV Further differentiations must be made with regard to the stage of growth of the armed struggle and the character of the organization that exercises fluid or entrenched hegemony or monopoly within that struggle.

Thesis V Military action must not be the first resort or the main aspect of policy in the first instance, though a security component may be needed to effect and safeguard reforms.

Thesis VI However, if the armed struggle is monopolized by a fanatical organization which violates humanitarian norms and resorts persistently to terrorism (defined as the intentional or witting targeting of noncombatants), then the military factor in the state’s response must perforce acquire greater importance.

Thesis VII The political, social and military tracks of a multi-track strategy must not undermine each other; they must demonstrate policy coherence and converge on a clear strategic goal.

Thesis VIII In the case of an armed struggle that has grown to the point of large unit conventional or semi-conventional combat, it must be recognized as a war and must be fought as such.

Thesis IX The objective of such a war could either be the defeat of the enemy or driving it to a negotiated settlement that is balanced, mutual, reciprocal and verifiable, rather than a breathing space for rearming, regrouping and renewal of the insurgency.

Thesis X Third party efforts at conflict resolution must not depend solely or primarily on those states which have ethnic constituencies, indigenous or immigrant, drawn from only one of the belligerents. Though such states may be the ones to be automatically drawn in, and therefore most strongly motivated to play a role with its attendant risks, such embedded lobbies of co-ethnics in a zero sum situation will vitiate attempts at conflict resolution because the intermediary will not be perceived as a neutral umpire, and there will be a backlash. Ideally the mediating/intervening state should have, in its make-up, no correlative reflecting the conflict, or should fairly evenly represent all the belligerent communities, or should be a regional coalition which collectively neutralizes the profile of unevenness in the composition of any one state.

Thesis XI In the extreme case of an insurgency that is dominated or monopolized by a terrorist and or fanatical organization and has grown to the level of a war, the objective of state policy must, indeed can, be nothing other than the military defeat of the enemy, the destruction of its military apparatus, the neutralization of its leadership and the recovery of all terrain lost to it, in short “the annihilation of the living forces of the enemy” as the world’s greatest living strategist, Vietnam’s General Vo Nguyen Giap, put it.

Thesis XII Such a war must not be punctuated by ceasefires and negotiations which debilitate the morale of the armed forces.

Thesis XIII In the case of an outcome of the decisive military defeat of the enemy, socio-political reforms could parallel but must at least follow the military victory and do so swiftly. If not there could either be a reactivation of the insurgency or the permanent alienation of a section of the citizenry which either supported or came under the influence of the armed struggle or belong to the same social constituency from which it sprang and share the insurgents’ sense of collective grievance.

Prospects

The most intense and high profile aspect of the Sri Lankan conflict has just been resolved: the deadly conflict; the mid-intensity war. What remains is the postwar crisis, the delay or inability to reap the peace dividend by making the transition to a stable and just framework for durable peace and successful nation building.

Sri Lanka now has a second chance. It is as if we have obtained a second Independence, when we were ahead of the game in the rest of Asia but we then blew it. Let’s hope we do not blow it yet again.

(Concluded)

[“Will Sri Lanka win the peace?” was a question posed by Singapore’s Minister of Law, K Chanmugam, opening the 5th International Conference on South Asia organized by the Institute for South Asian Studies (ISAS) of the National University of Singapore last week. The President of Singapore, SR Nathan closed the proceedings, launching South Asia Link, a hub for networking the 30 million strong worldwide South Asian Diaspora. Paper presenters included Sartaj Aziz former Finance Minister and Foreign Minister of Pakistan, Dr Iftekhar Ahmed Chowdhury, former Foreign Minister of Bangladesh, and Mani Shanker Iyer former Minister of Rural Local Self-Government of India. The paper on Prospects for Conflict Resolutions in South Asia was presented by Dr Dayan Jayatilleka. What follows is a brief extract from that 10,000 word paper which covered contemporary India, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Nepal and Sri Lanka.]

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By B.Raman

(November 15, Chennai, Sri Lanka Guardian) In my article on the October 11,2009, terrorist raid into the General Headquarters (GHQ) of the Pakistan Army at Rawalpindi available at [click here] , I had written as follows: "There are possibly other SSG officers ( in addition to Ilyas Kashmiri)---serving and retired---- who have similarly gravitated to the world of terrorism. As a result of this, knowledge of commando-style operations seems to be widespread in Pakistan's jihadi world. Till now, the international focus has been on the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) as the sponsor and trainer of jihadi groups. Indications of a similar role being played by at least some elements in or of the the SSG---- possibly in tandem with the ISI --- are coming to the fore now."

It was known in the past that some retired officers of the ISI had been guiding the various anti-Indian and anti-US terrorist groups in Pakistan. They were also allegedly helping them in their training and supporting the Neo Taliban of Afghanistan and Gulbuddin Heckmatyar's Hizbe Islami in their operations against the NATO forces and the Afghan National Army in Afghan territory. By using these retired officers for helping these terrorist organisations, the ISI and the Pakistani Army were able to maintain the deniability of their role in sponsoring terrorisn in the Indian and Afghan territories.

Amongst the senior retired officers of the ISI, who had come to adverse notice in this connection are Lt.Gen. Hamid Gul, who was the Director-General of the ISI during the first tenure of Benazir Bhutto (1988-90) as the Prime Minister, Lt.Gen.Javed Nasir, who headed the ISI during the first tenure of Nawaz Sharif ( 1990-93) and Lt.Gen.Mahmud Ahmed, who was the chief of the ISI during the first two years of Pervez Musharraf after he seized power in October,1999. While Gul was removed by Benazir, who disliked him, Nasir and Mahmud Ahmed were removed under US pressure because of their suspected links with the terrorists.

After the November 19, 2008, assassination in Islamabad of Maj.Gen. Amir Faisal Alvi, who headed the SSG till the middle of 2005 before he was sacked by Musharraf for unworthy conduct, there have been indications of similar contacts between serving and retired officers of the SSG and the jihadi world. While the details of the alleged unworthy conduct of Alvi, who was the brother of Lady Naipaul, wife of the famous writer, were never revealed by Musharraf, the speculation in Pakistan was that during an official visit to the UK, Alvi had spoken to his British interlocutors about the contacts of some Pakistani army officers with Baitullah Mehsud, who used to be the head of the Pakistani Taliban, and criticised Musharraf for not acting against them. On coming to know of this, it was reported, Musharraf sacked him. Alvi, who was born in Kenya, had the dual nationality of Pakistan and the UK.

Amongst the terrorist leaders who were exposed in the Pakistani media after the assassination of Alvi as former SSG officers were Ilyas Kashmiri, who became the Amir of the Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami (HUJI) in Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir after having worked for the Lashkar-e-Toiba (LET) for some time and Capt. Khurram, who left the SSG in 2003, joined the LET and then gravitated to the Taliban. He was killed in Afghanistan in March,2007.

Khurram was the younger brother of Major Haroon Ashique, who took premature retirement from the Pakistan Army in 2001 after a meeting with Hafeez Mohammad Sayeed , the Amir of the LET. He and his brother occupied important positions in the LET till 2004. Subsequently, they developed differences with Sayeed and left the LET. Haroon joined a group of retired officers of the Army raised by Ilyas Kashmiri for assisting Al Qaeda and the Pakistani and Afghan Talibans. Khurram joined the Afghan Taliban.

The jihadi role of Haroon came to notice during the investigation of the assassination of Alvi. He was found to have been the ring-leader of not only the assassination, but also of the kidnapping for ransom on October 20,2008, of Satish Anand, a Karachi-based film distributor, who is reported to be the uncle of Juhi Chawla, the Indian film actress. The investigation reportedly brought out that both these incidents were orchestrated by Haroon on the instructions of Ilyas Kashmiri. Haroon, who is a Kashmiri from Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir, is presently facing trial in these two cases along with two accomplices.

The identities of the two persons referred to in the FBI's affidavit against David Coleman Headley as "Individual A" and "LET member A" still remain unclear. It is also unclear as to why the FBI is not revealing their identities.

There are wheels within wheels in the Chicago conspiracy

Annexed is a backgrounder on the SSG (source http://www.specialoperations.com/Foreign/Pakistan/SSG.htm). Among the various tasks of the SSG is the protection of Pakistan's nuclear arsenal. After the Lal Masjid commando raid by the SSG in July,2007, a member of the SSG blew himself up in the officers' mess of the SSG at Tarbella Gazi killing a numbder of SSG officers in reprisal for the Lal Masjid raid. That incident brought out the infiltration of the SSG by the jihadi elements.

( The writer is Additional Secretary (retd) , Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai. E-mail: seventyone2@gmail.com )

ANNEXURE

THE SPECIAL SERVICES GROUP OF THE PAKISTAN ARMY

Overview

In 1953-54 the Pakistan Army raised an elite commando formation with US Army assistance. To disguise its true mission, the new unit was simply designated 10 Bn. of The Baluch Regiment The battalion was posted to a new headquarters at Cherat near Attock City. In March 1964, a Mobile Training Team from the US Army Special Forces Group (Airborne) went to Pakistan to set up a new airborne school at Peshawar for 19 Baluch. The school included basic and jumpmaster courses. All members of 19 Baluch were airborne-qualified. The training team also included four riggers, who helped train Pakistani counterparts.

By this time 19 Baluch was already considered the SSG (Special Services Group) which was divided into 24 companies. Each company had specialization units, specialized in desert, mountain, ranger, and underwater warfare. The desert companies participated in training exercises with US Army Special Forces Mobile Training Team in late 1964. The scuba company in Karachi was renowned for its tough physical training.

In 1970 an anti-terrorist role was added. This mission was given to the Musa Company, an independent formation within the SSG. The name was given after the name of Prophet Musa (Moses). The company was originally formed in 1970 as a combat diver unit. In 1980, however, each company was given a diver unit. After the Musa company was converted to an anti-terrorist unit, it received training by British SAS advisors in Cherat during mid-1981.

In 1986, the SSG began a large-scale basic training program for Sri Lankan paramilitary militia forces. Commando and airborne training was given to members of the Sri Lankan Commando Regiment.

SSG units have also been seconded in covert operations in Afghanistan during the Afghan war, as air marshals on passenger airlines and as VIP security. At present, the SSG maintains its headquarters at Cherat and runs the Airborne School at Peshawar. Two SSG battalions are normally rotated through Cherat with a third battalion divided between the border and other strategic locations such as the Terbella Dam and nuclear research facilities. Each SSG battalion numbers 700 men in four companies. Each company is split into platoons and further sub-divided into 10 men teams. Battalions are commanded by Lieutenant Colonels, the group is currently run by a Colonel . ( My comment: It is headed by a Major-General since 2003)

Training

SSG officers must have at least two years of prior military experience and volunteer from other formations for three-year assignments with the SSG; NCO and enlisted men volunteer from other formations to serve permanently in the SSG. All trainees must participate in an eight-month SSG course at Cherta. The SSG course emphasizes tough physical conditioning. Included is a 36-mile march in 12 hours, a grueling requirement that was first institutionalized by 19 Baluch. They are also required to run 5 miles in 40 minutes with full gear. Following the SSG course, trainees must volunteer for Airborne School. The course last four weeks, with wings awarded after seven (five day, two night) jumps.

Many in the SSG school are selected for additional specialist training. A HALO course is given at Peshawar with a 'skydiver' tab awarded after 5 freefall jumps. A "Mountain Warfare" qualification badge is given after completing a course at the Mountain Warfare School in Abbotsbad; and a "Combat Diver" badge is awarded for the course held by the Naval Special Services Group SSGN at Karachi. Three classes of combat swimmers were recognized: 1st class to those completing an 18-mile swim; 2nd class to those finishing a 12-mile swim; and 3rd class for a 6-mile swim. SSG regularly sends students to the US for special warfare and airborne training. Later on, due to Siachen crisis, a Snow and High Altitude Warfare School was also established.

SSG Weapons and Uniforms

While they were designated 19 Baluch, the Pakistani special forces were distinguished by a green beret with the Baluch Regt. beret insignia on a maroon flash. A 'Baluch' tab, black with a maroon background, went on left shoulder. Combat uniforms were Khaki. The SSG dropped the green beret in favor of a maroon beret. A silver metal SSG beret is worn in a light blue felt square. A bullion SSG para wing with a black cloth background is worn on the left chest. A red cloth version is worn by a master parachutist who has at least 50 jumps. SSG "Riggers" wear a wing with the English word 'Rigger' stitched across the wing. A distinctive SSG badge featuring a dagger framed by lightening bolts, used since 1964 by members of 19 Baluch goes on the left shoulder; qualification tabs and badges such as Skydiver, SCUBA, or Mountain Warfare go on the right shoulder. A silver metal SSG insignia is occasionally worn on shoulder straps.

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By Rajan Philips

(November 15, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) First there was triumph – of the army over the LTTE. Then came the tragedy - the encampment of 300,000 people. And now the farce – an establishment divided, the resignation of a war hero, and all but the announcement of a premature presidential race.

The outgoing General Sarath Fonseka’s letter of resignation, written with military license, is perfectly professional in tone and duly submissive to his civilian authority. The sting is in the tail annexed to the letter. Thirteen – someone is going to be unlucky here – of the sixteen points of contention, or reasons for resignation, are concerned with military organization and the rapid changes thereto so soon after victory. At this point, it is only one side of the story, but a man will not end his career and plan a future in so public a manner if what he is giving as reasons is less than true. But the thirteen reasons are not all factually verifiable, as some of them are perceptions and therefore contestable.

The fatal perception appears to have been about Sarath Fonseka becoming too big for his boots and posing a threat to the present political establishment. The perception of this threat led to paranoia of a military coup, not once but twice. First, the non-existent – according to Sarath Fonseka – coup threat was dealt with by the changing of guards in key areas of the military and state establishments. The second time, as was also independently known, the non-existent coup threat had morphed into an irrational coup fear, and India was asked to be at the ready for any eventuality. Whether there was any truth to these coup threats, we will not know unless those whom General Fonseka is accusing begin to tell their side of the story,

Whether there was some basis for the coup threat, and fear, or it was just a ruse created to clip the wings of a war hero is also not known, at least to those of us who are at a safe distance from the clashes of ego and the struggles for prominence that seem to have become the be all and end all of our politics. There is no politics without ego, but what is problematic about Sri Lankan politics now is that it has become so vulnerable to the power of personalities and their contending egos. This is a new development.

The battles of the past, outside the parliamentary arena, the 1953 Hartal, the 1961 Satyagraha, the 1962 coup, the JVP insurrections and even the LTTE phenomenon were extensions of political struggles and involved social and political forces that had lost patience with formal processes. Although challenged and woefully imperfect, the parliamentary system prevailed until it was vitiated by the current presidential system.

Now there is no political process, parliamentary or otherwise, only a farcical clash of two titans. The two have not been thrown up by contending social forces. Instead, the search is on for voting blocs to be brought into alignment with the clashing egos of two ambitious men. The presidential system has spawned a whole industry devoted to making and breaking coalitions and alignments for prize presidential candidates. Six years is too long for them to wait, so an election has to happen any time after four years when the stars are in order and the voters are in the mood. J.R. Jayewardene may have had a method in amending the Constitution even as he was writing it, but he may not have foreseen that after him there was going to be only madness and no method.

The twelfth of the 16 annex points in General Fonseka’s resignation letter is an interesting one. He was hurt by the failure of the government to appoint an acting Chief of Defense Staff during his recent and much publicized sojourn in the US. His point is that the CDS position is a no-status position and he had been ungratefully shoved into it so soon after he had run aground the LTTE. The good General should have known better. There is no provision in our constitution or convention for an acting President or a Vice President. What is good for the presidency should be good enough for a military office.

The last three points in the annex veer from the military into the political. There is the concern for the displaced people, anxiety over the failure to reach a political solution after the military victory, and criticism for the failure to capitalize on the peace dividend due to corruption and maladministration. Whether these are enough to make a convincing manifesto, it is too early to say. In any event, General Fonseka is in office till November 30 (his retirement is effective from Nov. 13 and not Nov. 30 as he requested – editor), and it is illegal to speculate on a political future for him until then.

In contrast, the President appears to be all ready for such speculations. Contrary to paralegal pettifogging about ‘what if’ the President does not accept the General’s signature – the President has promptly accepted the General’s resignation. He has accepted the challenge for the parody of a presidential fight.

The fight is sure to feed everyone’s morbid curiosity more than anyone’s political interest. Amidst all the fun and excitement, it is necessary to point out that a new track in Sri Lankan politics has been opened. The army is going to be directly in the political frame from now on. The government may have thought that by sidelining Sarath Fonseka it was preventing a coup that was never going to happen. In so doing, the government may have handed the opposition a presidential candidate it would not have ever dreamed of having. A General scorned may not be enough to cause a political upset, but he can sure militarize the polity just as his detractors are politicizing the military.

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By Dr Vickramabahu Karunaratne

(November 15, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna is today an important force within the working class movement. That has to be accepted, even though it cannot be classified as a proletarian party. Its origin and major association, is with the Sinhala petty bourgeoisie. Both in ‘71 and in ‘89, the JVP struggle dominated the Sinhala petty bourgeois society. In addition, in such intense campaigns the JVP always displayed its hatred towards the Tamil struggle for freedom and self-determination. Such racism is inbred in a petty bourgeoisie setup.

In the recent past, it was a partner in the chauvinist coalition of Mahinda. In fact the chauvinist hegemony within the coalition was consolidated by the presence of the JVP. Having done the dirty job of supporting the regime, during the repressive war it came out with the loss of a large part of its rural base to the NFP, or the Wimal faction. Hence at this moment the pressure of the proletariat is strong, and their workers leader Lalkantha, appears to play a bigger role. On the other hand, we see that the JVP leaders are attempting to win over a young layer of educated youth by militant actions of the Antharaya - inter university student federation and the union of unemployed graduates. Unless fresh layers of petty bourgeoisie are brought out to dominate the movement, JVP leaders know that the nature of the movement could change. It could become an urban trade union party. In fact Wimal, at the time of his departure from the JVP, warned party leaders Somawansa and Tilvin Silva, not to make the JVP a caricature of the NSSP!

Sinhala nationalist liberation

Even today, in spite of the fact that the government used the emergency and the PTA against the leading members of the student struggle and media men loyal to the party, the JVP in parliament indirectly supported the extension of emergency regulations. Also it promoted Sarath Fonseka and in fact virtually proposed him to be the common presidential candidate. Unfortunately, General Fonseka is now exposed to be a yank loyal to the right wing of the global capital, and he is to compete with Mahinda from the far right. We consistently explained, that the so-called Sinhala nationalist liberation will end up at the side of global capital. But the JVP insisted that majoritist Sinhala nationalism, has to be progressive and the main base of Lankan democratic revolution. Now JVP leaders are surprised that the patriotic general, instead of becoming the ‘common candidate’ of the JVP, has accepted the ticket from the brokers of global capital. So, unless some alternative political perspective is given, the benefit of the strike actions and student agitations will in the end benefit the campaign of general Fonseka.

Divert attention

However, these actions will gather momentum in the coming period. If it develops to be a general mass protest, which the government is unable to resolve, people will look for a political way out.

The government may try to divert attention. If the presidential elections are declared, then it is unlikely that the struggle will go ahead disregarding the elections. The election tradition is strong in Sri Lanka and it will need a massive uprising to bypass it. Then what is the alternative? A third Sinhala chauvinist candidate from the JVP? I believe that already the JVP rank and file must be seriously thinking of a way out. At the same time, the Tamil and Muslim radical masses are also confused as to which Sinhala chauvinist they should select to be the president. If Ranil came forward as the opposition candidate, at least some liberal bourgeois argument can be forwarded to the Tamil speaking people as to why they should vote for Ranil and not Mahinda. Never in the history of Sri Lanka, had the liberal project gone to this level of bankruptcy.

-Sri Lanka Guardian Read the full story »

By Day

“ There is nothing permanent except change" – Heraclitus

(November 14, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) As a concerned person who has kith and kin in Sri Lanka I am impelled to write this. And let me state the bottom-line-up-front (BLUF); In the present times and circumstances Sri Lanka needs an uncorrupt and capable Chief Executive Officer with a vision, and a mission sanctioned by a vast majority to manage the country authoritatively than a Presidency, an administration, or a political system that thrives in a rough and tumble political atmosphere. Elsewhere I will elaborate more on a viable and an efficacious alternative system to the present political set up.

I write this with no vested interests whatsoever and mention some names here and there only as examples.

When I think why Sri Lanka the so-called oldest democracy in Asia, though small in land mass, is not an economic and political powerhouse in the world today given the near 100 percent literacy rate, free education and medicine, the tropical weather, and after all the strategic location in the Indian Ocean, these things rush in my mind; rampant corruption, disunity, nepotism, ungratefulness, opportunism, surrendering principles and national security for filthy lucre, gullibility, too much or unnecessary groveling towards or kowtowing to foreign powers, and the existing unproductive and wasteful political system to name a few.

It hurts and is sad to see Sri Lanka is going backwards even with the benefits of free education and medicine for every Sri Lankan, be they the innocent, the insurgents, the activists, the terrorists, the journalists, the clergy, the politicians, or the minority. It is this free education that helped me to graduate from one of Sri Lankan universities and find a job in a developed country and continue to perform well with diligence and commendable acceptance when I left the military and country in total disgust in mid 90s. Thank you Sri Lanka for my free education that help me to excel and medicine and medical services that saved my life when I was on the death bed in the condemned section in the Dr P. T De Silva’s Ward 45. It is this free education that made possible for Prof Lucas who studied at St Josephs and Dr Karunadasa who studied in a backward school in down south to gain admissions to Sri Lankan university engineering faculties, excel in electrical engineering, and teach countless number of engineering students to date. I mention their names because they taught me and I know their backgrounds somewhat. Isn’t it sad that Sri Lanka is not on top of the world given the intelligentsia, the brain power, the number of academics in engineering, medicine and science, the martial nature of her people, and the unconventional warfare experts Sri Lanka have or have ever produced?

If Sri Lanka wants to achieve aggrandizement, security and stability, self-sufficiency and economic dominance, and go back to her glory days, or halcyon days, of the agrarian self sufficiency, water management using gravity and the construction experts of Brazen Palace and Sigiriya fortress every Sri Lankan is proud of and likes to talk about then every Sri Lankan needs not only to think like a Sri Lankan but act like one. In current rough-and-tumble politics there is no space or time for that. Look at the quality and quantity of politicos from local bodies up to parliament; calculate the national treasure wasted on their high maintenance; salaries, very expensive bullet-proof vehicles, housing and security; think of the inconvenience caused to public when they move about, attend functions or in the neighborhood they live due to blocking the roads, security searches and sweeps and the speed demons on the wheel in back up vehicles running over and killing the innocent. That is why I float this idea to suggest an alternative or a potential solution for the existing set up. Sri Lanka needs an uncorrupt and capable Chief Executive Officer with a vision and a mission sanctioned by a vast majority instead of an Executive Presidency that facilitates any corrupt politician to abuse and misuse powers and perks for his or her pleasure, profit and personal safety. I think an overwhelming majority would agree with me that in the present circumstances and in contemporary Sri Lanka the only ‘fit, proper and capable’ person that a vast majority of Sri Lanka can repose confidence in is none other than General ‘Fonnie’! Is he perfect, given his blunt speeches and emotions? No! But the deciding factors for the CEO post are his squeaky clean background with respect to financial malfeasance; his tactics, techniques, procedures and managerial skills in achieving the nearly impossible that is vanquishing the LTTE militarily and his quality of leading from the front as a young officer (YO) through a General officer (GO). He is brave, battle-proven, battle-scarred, not a ‘character’ but has ‘character’, has suffered near fatal injuries in line of duty. He has very successfully managed a vast institution that is Sri Lanka Army, prosecuted a war against national and transnational terrorists and successfully conducted one of the biggest humanitarian operations in history. I do not think that there is a singular person in contemporary Sri Lanka who has those credentials under his or her belt, or I may rather say ‘Sam Brown’!

If General SF has an ambition to be the Chief Executive Officer of Sri Lanka, he can do the following if he wishes; replace the ‘ministers’ and ‘ministries’ with Departments based on ‘Essential Services’ they deliver or ‘Roles’ they play; appoint secretaries and additional secretaries with proven managerial skills, who are subject matter experts in that essential service field. When he selects the right person for the right job only thing that matters is excellence, merit and his or her patriotism for a ‘unitary state’. In this way Sri Lanka can avoid appointing someone from a minority community who will go on to be an Attorney General and later be very much anti-Sri Lankan. The CEO needs to stay away from Sinhala only rhetoric and tone down speeches that appear or somebody would interpret as chauvinistic, jingoistic, or racist and must be willing to accommodate the smart, the bright and the capable from the minority communities. Let me give some examples; what about Daya or Lucky Nadarajasingham, the famous shooters, to be the Head of the Department Of Sports of Sir Lanka. Gen SF knows better than me about them that they are Tamil and received education at Ananda College, the largest Buddhist school in Sri Lanka but cannot speak Tamil, as they say. Don’t you Sri Lankans think that Daya or Lucky, though Tamils are much better than the political Sports Ministers that you have had or are going to be had in the present political set up? Think of the waste, fraud and abuse, the state of affairs, the interim councils, the human smuggling rackets, asylum seeking, or vanishing into thin air while on overseas tours, to name a few, in the history of the Sports Ministry. The next example is the case of Imitiaz Bakeer Marker, a Muslim, also received education at Ananda College. The most interesting thing about him, they say, is that he captained the school debating team, an Attorney-at-Law by profession. True, he is a United National Party (UNP) member. What to do; he just followed his father in politics. If Sri Lanka is truly willing to shed communal and party politics what about the CEO SF appointing Imitiaz Bakeer Marker as the Head of the Department of Justice, at least he can read and write in Sinhala, Tamil, or English and speak in any of the three main languages to any walk of life and will be able to interpret the law to a certain extent than a political round peg in a square hole. After all, aren’t they saying all the communal ills because of the language issues? I am sure he as the Head of the Justice Dept will do a lot of justice on that. I am also quite sure that he would be highly motivated to even to disown the UNP because he would see a better future for Sri Lanka.

Another good one; don’t you think that Professor Rizvi would do a better job for the health of the Department of Health than a lawyer running or ruining the Health Ministry; at least he would order only 800 or so essential drugs necessary and cancel a slew of generic varieties numbering 10,300 or so to avoid the biggest scandals in industry and save billions of rupees. After all Sri Lanka can show to the wider world that late Prof Senake Bibile did not die in vain and make him proud in his grave! I can give you numerous examples of good, capable and quality persons from the minority communities who can and should be accommodated and appointed by a future CEO of Sri Lanka for the good of the many. But I see also this, a majority of the minority communities are honestly not for a unitary state at present. It may be a result of historic reasons, what they may have experienced due to the broken promises of the successive governments since independence and their corrupt to the hilt politicians, the brain-washing, or the organized indoctrination with ulterior motives. I know a Tamil ex-military officer who spent a half of his life in the north and the other half in the south until he immigrated. When he arrived in the south to be a Service Cadet he did not speak Sinhala at all. When mortars fell into the camp he was in, a lot of people suspected that he had given out the grid coordinates. Now we read and hear in the media that some Sinhalese are in custody for supporting the LTTE. He was subject to unnecessary and shameless bigotry. Now he is an IT professional in a foreign university, at great risk to his life he is doing a very commendable service by being one of the biggest and silent advocates for Sinhala and Tamil unity and concord by debating with his own brethren. He tells me that sometimes he runs to the ‘bunker’ when he runs out of talking points up in the sleeves on behalf of Sinhalese, and his own brethren hound him. There are rascals and disingenuous persons on both side of the ethnic divide. Things can change and will in a conducive and proper environment. After all, they say, what she or he is a product of the environment!

It is compulsory and imperative that Gen SF should not be a politician and depend on so called ‘altruistic or patriotic’ politicians who are attempting to back him up and buck him up. The recent article written by Major General Nalin Fernando, appeared in the print and electronic media, is a real good one and an eye-opener as to why military officers should not be politicians. But it does not mean a retired General, an AVM, or an Admiral should not be a Chief Executive Officer if she or he is real good for an organization, institution, or a country. The sad truth or the reality is that anywhere in the world military chiefs are appointed by the political Heads of States with vested interests. So by the time almost all those military chiefs retire they have shamelessly been singing his or her master’s or mistress’ song or rather singing Hosannas to the rulers. No surprise and wonder that they would have lost the credibility and public confidence. They become only famous in song and legend made possible by certain suspecting or unsuspecting sections of the media but not in reality! It is extremely rare that you find a military chief, like Gen SF, of a nation that is a Devil’s advocate or with contrarian views. Moreover Gen SF should be wary and leery of, especially, the politicians who then threatened kill all the service members who reported duty during the Reign of Terror in 90s, who not long ago disparaged the fighting formations and columns that were reaching Killinochchi and Elephant Pass using the words like Medawachiya and Pamankade sarcastically, who did not want to give even a letter of recommendation for a job at Salvation Army, and some malevolent Sinhala supremacist or extremist political parties as well.
I am one who firmly believes that vanquishing the Tigers was a ‘joint’ effort and was total team work. At the same time I would also mention here about a few big players and factors that facilitated the military demise of LTTE. For the starters; it was ‘new normalcy’ after 9/11; the Boxing Day tsunami; Late Lalith Jayasinghe; the ‘still living’ officer who ensured ‘Charles’
deserved a death sentence for the Central Bank bombing; the Sri Lanka Navy Intelligence Lt Cdr who explained the follies of the armed struggle to Col K and introduced him to a fast life; the very strong diplomatic push by three to four very capable, maverick and pugnacious academics with either a ‘megaphone’ or the command of English; the concerted effort of some academics and journalists of Sri Lankan Diaspora; the sinking of the floating warehouses; the aerial action on SP Selvam, the enemy equipment, and positions. A tiger unless it is a phoenix in a tiger’s hide or clothing or as a result of disunity among Sri Lankans cannot rise again from the ashes! I need to say this too that unfortunately the Tigers or so-called ‘boys’ would not have become a formidable force to be reckoned with and lasted almost three decades in the first place if not for the venal government, military, Customs officers at various levels or pay grades and equally culpable some members of populace who helped the sleeper cells, wittingly or unwittingly, knowingly or unknowingly by renting places to operate from and vehicles and equipment to utilize against for a few more quick and fast green bucks. Greed for some has been insatiable and for that Sri Lanka paid dearly in blood and treasure and with her otherwise bright future.

Why don’t Sri Lanka have or ‘produce’ anymore famous ‘Honest Alberts’ that of the Sathasivam Case or sons of IGPs, like Dr. Lucky Dissanayake who was very humble and low maintenance and was drowned in performing an altruistic act to save a friend’s child in distress in the seas off Sri Lanka.

Gen SF in his attempt to revamp and purge the Army to make it an effective fighting force made a lot of changes that resulted in a bunch of disgruntled, angry and revengeful officers. There were a lot of senior officers who did not come out of funk and pluck up some spunk to lead from the front. He went on to appoint the best, the smart and relatively young who excelled at field craft and in combat. But some of the Combatant Commanders, for that matter, especially the media savvy ones are not his choices and selections but foisted on him or ‘strategically introduced’ by his superiors for ‘understandable reasons’. Now everybody knows the reasons as one can see in the newspapers with the stories of removing portraits and posters etc. And there were also some Combatant Commanders and General Staff who have been ‘silent operators and consummate professionals’. Laymen will not read or hear about them in the main stream media. It is apt to mention here that a couple of commanders Gen SF appointed also are not the right choices as it later turned out to be. A general makes mistakes too and learns from it.

In a scenario where Gen SF wants to be the CEO of Sri Lanka, chances and indications are such the biggest player opposing side is going to bring up and field, pit or array against Gen SF is the former Navy Commander who has been very political savvy since his days as a ‘commander’ (equivalent to Lt Col or Wing Commander). He has been synonymous with Navy Seva Vanitha Unit as far as one can remember. The following positive things about him will be highlighted by the defending political administration in a Presidential Election; educated at the same school like General SF; his teammate of the college swimming team; a service commander like him; under his watch close to ten floating warehouses were sunk that helped Gen FS to defeat the tigers militarily and unite Sri Lanka. To be fair to the former Navy Commander I have not seen and heard any corruption charges against him, and he has unique education qualifications, naval and otherwise, but he dabbled too much in politics throughout his career, plus that and his capricious decision making is a very big negative in this regard. Had he stood by his principles like the then Naval Office-in-Charge(Trincomalee), NOIC(T), Commodore Wairasekara who chased out the IPKF naval ship commanders when called on him as they broke the time honored naval protocol and ‘gate (wave) crashed’ to Tricomalee habour after the Indo-Lanka Peace Accord Sri Lankans would love and like him very much. The NOIC (T) was sadly forced out of the Navy. He became a tug pilot at Colombo harbor to provide for his wife and two humble kids whom I have seen in Trincomalee during their school vacations. It is a disgrace to force out a principled man or woman. The good thing is that because of his principles he saved his life, and a wife has a husband and children a father. He was the next in line to be the Commander of Navy (CofN). The most of us in the military know what happened next; an ambitious Rear Admiral who was instrumental in fracturing the Navy into cliques that are in existence even today surrendered his religion to be a CofN, and only to allowing his official motorcade circumvent the railway crossing on a red-light to meet his death waiting fully-wired with explosives on a motorcycle at the Galle Face Greens. But in the case of the CofN I am talking about here he was ready and more than willing to be a Secretary and say ‘sir’ and ‘salute’ to a majority of politicos, who should not have been elected in the first place to public office given their educational or family background, sexual misconduct , financial malfeasance, or criminal behavior. Why didn’t he very well and gracefully decide to be a consultant to Bahraini Navy or Omani Navy, or find some decent employment local or overseas, instead of continue to singing Hosannas to sorry and pathetic politicians? I am quite sure given the naval successes on his watch against the LTTE a number of countries may have been itching to get his experience and knowledge at a very high price or with top dollar, euro, or dirham for their navies. If he were principled, then I would have suggested the former CofN I am talking about to be the CEO of Sri Lanka too. These are open secrets. Think of two of the other best and brightest in his Intake; the Governor Mohan and the former ADC Prassanna , why both of them have been not on talking terms with him though the CofN I am referring to did not embezzle or steal? It is because of his loathsome politics, dabbling in politics, uppity and hubris.

Only thing he has to do now is to forget about the sorry and pathetic politicos and shed or iron out differences and make friends with Gen SF in the name of his country and school to take Sri Lanka forward. It takes more moral courage to forget the sorry and pathetic past and make friends with someone you are not on the talking terms or see eye to eye than to be antagonistic or a political adversary forever. Sri Lanka needs you to be a little bit humble and understand that Gen FS has more support, clout and backing for the CEO post in a future Sri Lanka.

There may be hidden players with questionable military backgrounds such as alleged frauds, treasure hunters, shameless and disgraceful womanizers, mediocre performers, cowards who tarried. They may be serving, cashiered, forced to retire, retired ones. There will be no surprise or it is no wonder when some of them are brought up from retirement or active or volunteer service to challenge and negate Gen SF’s qualifications or his suitability to be the CEO of Sri Lanka. Let me tell you this as a person who has naval experience, ashore or afloat, flown in combat aircraft as an observer, and deployed with the elite operators to war(by the way I have nothing but the highest regard to and admiration for the Sri Lankan Security Forces) that there is a vast difference between leading the troops from the front as a young officer, a middle grade officer or a colonel circumventing mine fields and booby traps under fire to close on the enemy to unleash violence and destroy than to do a desk job, shoot deer for venison , sink the ships from distance, or bomb the targets from the sky. As an example one might argue; what about the Special Boat Section (SBS) and the Rapid Boat Section (RBS)? I get that. There is still certain amount of protection to troops due to choppy seas, armor and distance. Though some badly want to claim the credit for ‘arrow boat concept and swarm tactics’ I know for a fact where the credit really lies, and it was conceived in early 90s. I will name one name (while others are humble not to make noise to claim the credit for it as Sri Lanka’s success against her common enemy is every Sri Lankan’s success!) lest Sri Lanka fail to do justice or recognize some of those who blazed the trail rather ‘wake’! He is none other than late Commander (NP) Gallage from Sri Lanka Navy Patrolmen Branch. His voice was not ‘officially’ listened to. No high-ranking person debriefed him. But as young officers we were inquisitive and interested in knowing his Techniques Tactics and Procedures (TTPs) he employed in Kilali lagoon with a high rate of success. He was the pioneer small boat operator the LTTE dreaded most in early 90s till his untimely demise. He was a methodical, creative young naval tactician with a bright future. On the very first day of returning to proper ship (RPS) from leave he made it a point to cruise along to study the seas, enemy change of tactics and the environment. Only on the next day he went on offensive in his ‘water jet’! I know I am digressing from the topic but Sri Lanka is entitled to know the truth then only Sri Lankans can make a well informed decision before they cast their precious vote without being lured or garnered by wily, corrupt and cunning politicos with the promise of some sop or crumb and a utopian world! Sri Lankans need to avoid another lost or wasted chance for a real change and to move forward off the beaten path.

I see a lot of interest, euphoria, frenzy and exuberance to drag Gen SF into politics and force him to be a candidate in a future Presidential Election. Some try this as they are failed politicians, perennial losers, or jinx and some others with ulterior motives and hidden agendas and another segment innocuously. Let me forewarn you this; one is highly mistaken and it is farcical to expect Gen SF, as the CEO or a President in a future Sri Lanka to be a yellow-mellow, liberal, democratic Head of State who will yield to every silly demand made by trade unions or unemployed graduates, or activists! Sri Lanka needs a complete overhaul, purging and total revamp. The extraordinary situation in Sri Lanka needs extraordinary measures. They are need today more than ever. With the help of Internet or cyberspace, digital equipment, satellite technology or the advanced technology the truth can be twisted and propagated to unsuspecting persons around the world to win their sympathy and support for a spurious or an illegitimate cause putting a person, a legitimate government, or a proud nation in an embarrassing situation. They say, a mountain can be made out of a mole hill and will be by the parties with vested interest and wish harm to Sri Lanka. It is apt to mention that when it is National Security and only in national defence tactics, techniques and procedures of and, the targets taken by the ‘Dark Side’ (e.g. certain units within JSOC, SAS, GSG-9, Spetznas, Sayeret Matkal, or Sri Lanka’s own 2nd SF) of a nation’s military are not up for debate in public that results in inhibition and freedom of action in future operations, dangerous embarrassment to and demoralization in operators and threat to their lives. The consequence management once a threat is eliminated is so easy and painless as long as the public or media stay away in the name of the country and national security. Though they are very inquisitive, most of the time the public or media do not understand the big picture or the Courses of Actions (COAs) developed after using very exhausting and time consuming military decision making process (MDMP) on a threat and are not privy to all the information that leads to the elimination of the threat from wherever once and for all. Sri Lanka needs an authoritarian to manage the country, not a dithering, vacillating, vacuous ceremonial figurehead in funk. He will not be indecisive or inactive but will use force when the unruly protestors turn violent and start pelting stones and/or Molotov-cocktails at offices, government buildings, shops, vehicles and/or businesses. Underworld will be neutralized in an official and very effective way.

He will keep a sharp eye on and sternly deal with internal or external, foreign or domestic enemies. I would like to tell you this too that in a Sri Lanka where Gen SF is the CEO that there will also be brutalities by sick people, like the one where a bunch of sick policemen clubbed a mentally unsound human being to death. That is not a reflection of a country or its people. Not a deliberate or pre-meditated act by some Sinhalese members of the law enforcement agency against a minority Tamil. I condemn it in the strongest possible term and wish I was there to save him as I saved Tamils returning from India after the Indo-Lanka accord from harm in the hands of some ignorant personnel. I read an article written by a non-Sri Lankan with a holier-than-thou mentality. The writer was finding fault with spectators to the incident for by-stander apathy. Some may have called the law-enforcement or done something in their small way. After all that is why the video footage is available for the entire world to see that a nation’s society is not perfect but there are flawed and sick people living in it. But what I want to ask the writer what does ‘No Snitching’ in their western neighborhoods mean? What did poor Koreans in the Korea Town do to have their property looted and burnt? What about internment camp for the innocent Japanese? What about High Security Zones around Enduring Bases and what about the third country nationals who are employed in those enduring Bases but unable to leave the base to go to city? What about the religious places of worship declared off limits to natives as well as foreign troops in those Enduring Bases? Examples are aplenty. The persons who do not study history or have not had access to information is not aware that Sri Lankans as a nation are much more civil, decent and tolerant than most of the nations in the world. Believe it or not, that is the real truth!

There will be another argument, though not even existential in Sri Lanka, that appointing Gen SF as the CEO will pave way for a military dictatorship or junta in mufti. If someone knows about or has served in the military he or she knows that there is no other better institution that is fair and equitable than the military in the world. That is the very reason professional military officers are firm and fair in their lives. There is no tolerance whatsoever for discrimination. An officer cadet from Polonnaruwa Royal will get the same clothing bag items, pay, quantity of food, hair-cut and quality and quantity in punishment that of an officer cadet who joins from Royal College, Colombo 7. It is same for the soldiers too. What is wrong with a system where capable, fit and proper top brass fill the top slots? Nobody should be paranoid if he or she has been law-abiding and the citizenry need to be ready to abide a military system if it is the case to be. One who is not paranoid or panic-stricken will always opt for a military system if he or she really knows the customs, traditions, training and discipline in the military. They will be better off for sure. Only Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde types will decry and object to and oppose a military system.

What anyone interested in replacing a corrupt political system with a CEO has to do is to create a phenomenon like the one during the Islamic Revolution in 1979 in Iran where Ayatollah Khomeini assumed the spiritual leadership. Please do not misunderstand me; I am not advocating the mullahs’ politics or bloodletting that led to revolution or its aftermath, or current politics in Iran. I am just citing the profound and overwhelming approval for sort of his personality or image. The interested Sri Lankans need to generate that kind of emotions or ‘avalanche effect’ in peaceful manner to facilitate the appointment of Gen SF as the CEO. In a Presidential Election a notional person has to contest against the incumbent. If and when the notional person does win the Presidential Elections, the authority or power should be transferred to Gen SF to assume the CEO post of Sri Lanka using what I call the reverse Sonia Gandhi-to-Dr Manmohan Singh power transfer mechanism. Then Gen SF can appoint the Heads of Departments and others with ‘fit, proper and capable persons’! Then the question thus does not arise what if the Government does not accept his Letter of Registration before the elections.

Some Sri Lankans will have to sacrifice their comfort zones and idyllic living. The ball is in the court of the citizenry to decide whether to wallow in self-pity and continue to live on complaining of corruption, police brutality, human rights violations, unemployed graduates, sky-rocketing cost of living, labour unrest, corrupt and thug politicos, murderous underworld, drug king-pins, brazen and day light robberies, murder and mayhem, wanton destruction, fraud, waste and abuse etc, or make a brave, bold and out of ordinary decision to cast the vote for that notional person so that Gen SF could be appointed as the Chief Executive Officer of Sri Lanka. ‘Nothing is permanent except change, said Heraclitus. That change is needed now, not later. When you hear from a well-informed source that a young air force officer’s marriage was almost broken because he burnt the midnight oil to repair the damaged INDRA radar, and political wheeler-dealers were so mad, angry and hurt that they could not make fast bucks or millions by ‘repair by replacement’ and that YO saved a heck lot of foreign exchange for Sri Lanka your blood begins to boil. Sadly his only crime was he could not call his wife often enough and was very busy repairing the radar and plying between Colombo and Vauniya to make it happen. The haters disgracefully undertook to fill the void or absence of routine pillow talk between the loving husband and his wife with poisonous rumors to break the marriage. The marriage relations were on the brink or already strained for officers and soldiers alike due to high operational tempo (OPTEMPO). Some were barely holding on to the last straw. Moreover there is something fishy when a top notch engineer, a lecturer at Katubedda and a PhD who saved millions of dollars, a lot of FOREX, by repairing MLRS(‘Multi Barrels’) dies of ‘pneumonia’ in a foreign country on arms purchasing trip. I see no difference in the circumstances surrounding his death and that of Prof Senaka Bibile.

On General SF’s part he needs sooner than later to declare honestly to Sri Lankan whether he is prepared and stands ready to run the gauntlet and whether he is willing to suffer a few cuts, nicks and bruises, or gushing wounds when he emerges at the end of the two columns of people wanting to harm. He needs to avoid being just an actor in a political vaudeville staged by unfit politicos with vested interests. He owes it to the innocent with lots of hope, not to the wile and guile politicos. Only those innocent ones will be truly hurt or thoroughly disappointed if you do not have an ambition for real to be the CEO of a future Sri Lanka and just whip up hysteria or be wishy-washy by only alluding to your intentions without declaring in black and white your plan for a future Sri Lanka. I request if you are not willing to run the gauntlet what come may please do not take those innocent to a climax and let it fizzle out or to a zenith and drop them under gravity to be pulverized to smithereens on impact. Then you will be guilty of an unpardonable crime and live in infamy. You have to avoid that at all cost in order to die a peaceful death as one of the best warriors Sri Lanka has ever produced. Then you will be immortal in the hearts and mind of true Sri Lankans present and future!

“A nation without heroes is nothing"- Roberto Clemente

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