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“India Out” Kicks off in Sri Lanka?

Are Sri Lankans joining the Regional Uproar Over Alleged Indian Influence and Economic Encroachment, following the lead of Maldives and Bangladesh?

A widespread campaign against perceived Indian hegemony gains momentum in Sri Lanka, sparked by a contentious issue at the airport involving the delegation of visa issuance authority to a foreign entity, reportedly linked to India. The protest underscores deeper concerns about economic control and sovereignty, as demonstrators decry what they see as a pattern of Indian encroachment across strategic sectors of the Sri Lankan economy and state apparatus.

Protest against Indian influence in front of Immigration and Emigration Department today in Colombo.

“We are not a slave of Indian hegemony,” one protester told the media. “We will continue this protest in very strong terms if the government does not take proper action,” she added.

Another protester articulated to the media, “As you can see, we are in front of the National Immigration Office here to protest against the decision to transfer the right of our state to issue visas to visiting foreigners, non-Sri Lankan citizens, through an Indian proxy campaign. We see this incident not as a standalone issue, but as an interconnected issue of the wider Indian efforts to take over strategic sectors of our economy and our state.”

Adding fuel to the fire, concerns are raised about political collaboration and economic exploitation. “Akhand Bharat never existed in history and it will never be. But nevertheless, our corrupt politicians in this government and also in the opposition who want to come to power with Indian help think if they cooperate with India, it will be easier for them to take over,” remarked another protester.

The sentiment is compounded by grievances over previous economic agreements and ventures perceived to favor Indian interests. “Already the Mattala airport has been given to Indian management. We see how the efforts have been taken to sign ECTA, an extremely draconian free trade agreement that serves the interest of the Indian state, but not the Sri Lankan populace or the Sri Lankan state,” highlighted a demonstrator.

Meanwhile, issuing a statement, the Indian High Commission in Colombo yesterday asserted that the foreign company involved does not belong to India, and its headquarters are not located in India. However, the statement did little to assuage concerns as the protest continues to escalate, prompting scrutiny of bilateral agreements and the broader geopolitical implications for Sri Lanka’s autonomy and national security. 

Seeing Red: Our Ancient Relationship With Ocher and the Color of Cognition

Processing ocher is not unique to Homo sapiens, either, and was a practice shared by other members of the Homo genus.

by Irina Matuzava

Twenty-three million years ago, our distant ancestors gained trichromatic color vision through means of a random genetic mutation. Trichromatic color vision and trichromacy refer to the ability to perceive color through three receptors in the eye, known as cones, which are sensitive to different wavelengths of visible light. It has been assumed that primates ancestral to humans had two cones at the start of their lineage; the duplication and modification of genes coding for one of the two created another distinct, separate cone. Gaining a third cone allowed for the perception of red and other colors with long wavelengths in addition to the two preexisting receptors for blues and greens with shorter wavelengths—red was entirely unknown to primate species before this mutation, and the ability to see red remains rare among other mammals. Exceptions to mammalian dichromacy, the state of having two cones, are uncommon. Some primates lost one of their cone receptors, becoming monochromats. Having a single cone, monochromats like the nocturnal owl monkeys (genus Aotus) perceive light intensity in shades of gray without the ability to differentiate color values. Others, including the ancestors of modern apes, monkeys, and humans, happened to gain a third cone.

[File Illustration]

Michael H. Rowe, professor emeritus of neuroscience at Ohio University, confirms that random processes were involved in the evolution of primate trichromacy in his study of the underlying neurophysiological mechanisms, and outlines the two dominant theories for the maintenance of a third cone among primates. One longstanding theory is that of enhanced fruit detection among diurnal primates, who are most active during the daytime. According to this theory, improved discernment of red fruits against green foliage led to a direct increase in efficiency when foraging for nutritious food. The second theory, however, suggests it was the consumption of leaves rather than fruit that more strongly influenced routine trichromacy. This alternate “young leaf” hypothesis emphasizes the importance of enhanced color vision when selecting nutritious leaves over their less beneficial counterparts, especially at times when fruit is scarce and surviving off of leaf consumption becomes critical. Rowe’s findings and the newer “young leaf” theory also align with the later evolution of trichromatic vision in the howler monkey, a New World primate.

New World primates like the howler monkey and Old World primates, which include humans and apes, are two major groups within the order Primates that differ in anatomical features and geographic distribution. Since their last common ancestor did not have trichromatic vision, the trait evolved in both Old and certain New World species through convergent evolution. This occurs when similar traits evolve among distantly related species, usually due to similar environmental pressures and advantages to the trait.

Further down the evolutionary timeline, rocks and minerals became the cornerstones of technological advancement among hominins. Within the range of widely accessible raw materials, one pigment stands out with its broad spectrum of color: ocher. Ocher varies in shade depending on its chemical and structural composition, appearing from light yellows and rusty browns to deep red-purple hues. Red ocher, for example, gains its color from an abundance of an iron oxide called hematite.

Known evidence for processing and crushing ocher pieces by early humans in Africa dates as far back as the Early Stone Age. In a 2022 article published by the Journal of World Prehistory, researchers Rimtautas Dapschauskas and his co-authors compared the frequency of ocher use over time between over 100 African archaeological sites. They found that ocher, particularly of the hematite-rich variety, grew in geographical distribution and frequency of use from 500,000 y.a. (years ago) and became part of the cultural behaviors habitual to site inhabitants as early as 160,000 y.a. Over a third of sites included in this study that were used at or after this date contained various forms of the material. Notable ocher finds from Early to Late Stone Age African sites include two intentionally shaped pieces of red ocher from 307,000 y.a. at the Olorgesailie basin in Kenya, as well as a workshop at Blombos Cave, South Africa, for processing ocher 75,000-100,000 y.a. Several of the Blombos Cave specimens display patterns of wear suggesting their use on hard surfaces in the same manner one would use a crayon today.

Ocher pervaded early human history, with many instances of use appearing throughout the archaeological record in accompaniment to technological/utilitarian developments and ritualistic behavior. A few utilitarian applications of ocher include its use in hide-processing, as a skin protectant to guard against mosquitos and excessive sun exposure, and in compound adhesives for tool making. The latter is considered to be one of the best pieces of evidence for advanced cognitive abilities in early humans.

Processing ocher is not unique to Homo sapiens, either, and was a practice shared by other members of the Homo genus. A 2024 study conducted by scientists Patrick Schmidt, Radu Iovita, and their colleagues investigates the use of ocher-based compound adhesives for Middle Paleolithic cutting and scraping tools crafted by Neanderthals (Homo neanderthalensis) at Mousterian rock shelters in France. The researchers found that the adhesive’s ratio of ocher to bitumen was optimal and exact—bitumen loses adhesive properties when mixed with ocher, but the ratio used by Neanderthals creates a mass malleable enough to be formed yet sticky enough to adhere stone tools to handles. The glue’s formula is presumed to be a result of experimentation and costly investments of time and labor, akin to the behaviors and thought patterns of early Homo sapiens in Africa.

Past ritual applications are evident through the intentional selection of ocher based on color. Despite the prevalence of other pigments such as yellow ocher or black manganese in local landscapes, the disproportionate abundance of processed red ocher in large artifact assemblages points to a strong preference for saturated red hues over any other pigment color. Having no obvious instrumental value and inexplicable from a utilitarian perspective, the prolonged repetition of color-driven ocher collection exemplifies ritual behavior. Burial decoration was another ritual application of ocher. The deliberate burial of human remains appears in many well-established cases from the Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic periods throughout Europe and Asia. Burials often imply respect for the individual and adornment of the grave or deceased individual was sometimes used to honor the person’s social status or to enhance their appearance. Lawrence G. Straus and his collaborators describe a burial of “the Red Lady of El Mirón” in their 2015 Journal of Archaeological Science article. The “Red Lady,” found in a cave in northern Spain, gained her name from an abundance of red ocher that coats her remains in a bright red hue. Those who buried her used a form of ocher not found in local sources, suggesting it may have been collected elsewhere for special burial rites or preservative use. Another example is a discovery made at Sungir, northeast of Moscow, Russia, where a man and two young children were buried 27,000 years ago. Their grave contained objects including mammoth ivory spears, a variety of ornamental jewelry, and thousands of ivory beads. The burial was covered entirely in red ocher.

Researchers have suggested that the initial catalyst for ocher use may have been its colorful and aesthetic appeal, only later followed by practical applications. With this in mind, it is no surprise that ocher is one of the earliest natural pigments used for artistic expression, including bodily adornment and cave paintings. Two of the oldest known cave paintings are hand stencils in the Cave of Maltravieso of west-central Spain and painted stalactites, mineral formations that hang from cave ceilings, in the Ardales cave of northern Spain. The red pigment decorating these caves has been dated through uranium-thorium testing methods to at least 66,700 and 65,500 years ago, respectively. Today, artists primarily use a synthetic version of red ocher invented in the 18th century. Still, they carry on a very ancient legacy of using this pigment—to create meaningful symbols in meaningful places.

Red ocher has been heavily featured by people across time and continents compared to its undersaturated counterparts, and the color red continues to hold special significance on a global scale. In many East Asian cultures, red represents good fortune and is featured heavily during celebrations. In some Native American communities, red denotes courage and spiritual strength, while other groups associate life, vigor, passion, revolution, and other powerful concepts with the color. The power ascribed to red is also heavily reflected in language—different cultures group the visible light spectrum into categories of different sizes and names. However, an overwhelming majority have a designated word for red no matter how they differentiate between the rest of the rainbow.

Modern people with normal color vision may take the ability for granted, but the capacity to identify shades of red in natural settings served as a significant advantage for our diurnal primate ancestors in terms of survivability and evolutionary fitness. Whether color vision was upheld by the consumption of fruit, foliage, or a combination of both, a new array of visual cues meant new survival strategies and perceptions of the world. In this regard, trichromacy, an accidental evolutionary milestone, paved the way for the widespread cultural gravitation of people toward red and red ocher long before anatomically modern humans existed themselves.

Although past interpretations of ocher have been complicated by its duality in symbolic and practical uses, special attention toward the mineral grows alongside the number of excavated finds. Current research initiatives increasingly recognize the value of the material as a reflection and potential driving force of cognitive and cultural evolution in early humans.

This article was produced by Human Bridges.

Irina Matuzava is a contributor to the Human Bridges project.

Student Demands for Divestment Are Not New

There is a long history of students organizing for divestment from states and institutions complicit in criminal acts, apartheid, and genocide. Today’s campus protests against Israel are building on that movement.

by Sonali Kolhatkar

The student-led movement against the genocide in Gaza that is sweeping college campuses across the United States, has made “divestment” from Israel central to its demands. It’s what the “D” in BDS stands for—Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions—a Palestinian-led international and nonviolent means of holding Israel accountable for decades of colonization, occupation, and war.

A student activist chants slogans inside a gate of Columbia University's Morningside Heights campus in New York City, the United States, April 22, 2024. (Xinhua/Liu Yanan)

Now, just as apartheid South Africa lost global prestige after U.S. university students successfully forced many universities to financially divest from the then-pariah state, there appears to be some momentum toward a parallel impact on Israel. The administration of the prestigious Brown University is the latest to have agreed to explore divestment from Israel in response to student demands.

Divestment can mean different things depending on the nature of the institution’s financial ties. But the idea behind it is simple: It means removing all financial ties, such as withdrawing investments, and therefore ending direct complicity in criminal and unjust actions. American institutions of higher learning are economic powerhouses with massive endowments, and ultimately can be described as “big businesses.” Many of them use their funds to directly or indirectly invest in Israel. Harvard University, for example, was found in 2020 to have invested nearly $200 million of its $40 billion endowment in companies with ties to Israel’s occupation of Palestine.

While the latest wave of student-led encampments is new in its scope, motivated especially by the horrors of Israel’s latest wave of mass ethnic cleansing of Palestinians in Gaza, the student demands for divestment are not new. They are built on a decades-long foundation for protest constructed by an international solidarity movement in support of Palestinian liberation.

The BDS movement, launched by Palestinian unions and other civil society institutions in 2005, explains on its website that “Israel is only able to maintain its oppressive regime over the Palestinian people and avoid accountability for its genocide against 2.3 million Palestinians in the besieged and occupied Gaza Strip because of international state, corporate and institutional complicity.”

The American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), with a long history of organized and coordinated boycott and divestment campaigns, has crafted helpful guidelines on how to divest, and has offered context for such efforts: “[W]e recognize that the Israeli occupation is not the only illegal occupation in the world, although it is the longest and deadliest one.” Moreover, according to AFSC, “It is also the only place in the world from which a call was issued by the occupied people to the international community to use economic activism tools such as boycott and divestment to help end the occupation.”

Columbia University in New York, an epicenter of the current student-led campus actions, has a history of using divestment as a tool of protest that far predates the encampment launched by students on April 17. Although many media outlets cite Columbia’s 1968 sit-ins against the Vietnam War as a parallel, Omar Barghouti, Tanaquil Jones, and Barbara Ransby wrote in The Guardian, that the university’s 1985 anti-apartheid student sit-ins are even more relevant to today’s protest. The Coalition for a Free South Africa successfully pushed Columbia University to divest from apartheid South Africa. Nearly three decades later, a campaign called Columbia Prison Divest also forced the university to pull investments from for-profit prison companies.

And, four years ago, Columbia’s undergraduate school, called Columbia College, passed a historic student vote calling for divestment from Israel. The list of campus divestment-related victories specific to Israel is surprisingly long. Nearly a decade ago, in 2015, the Associated Press called student-led divestment demands against Israel “increasingly commonplace on many American college campuses.”

What’s different today is that the pace of Israel’s atrocities against Palestinians has significantly ramped up and is a bona fide genocide-in-progress, so much so that Israeli officials fear the International Criminal Court could issue arrest warrants against them. The official figures of Israel’s victims in Gaza since last October number more than 34,000, with more than 40 percent of those being children. Israel has decimated so much of Gaza that authorities are unable to keep track of the dead, meaning the death toll is likely even higher.

Young people, including Jewish students, are deeply moved by Israel’s savagery and the resulting Palestinian suffering. They are closely monitoring the indiscriminate bombing of Gaza on social media, forming digital ties with Palestinians, and grieving over the deaths of Gaza’s children. It’s only natural that they are pouring their rage toward the institutions they have the most proximity to and power over: The administrations of the schools where they pay exorbitant fees to attend, and that have invested in or partnered with Israel.

Until the tide fully turns against Israel for being an oppressive apartheid state, educational institutions will embrace it as a matter of pride. Cornell University, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, University of Central Florida, and University of Michigan are examples of schools that tout their collaborations with Israeli institutions. And there are Israeli efforts specifically aimed at legitimizing the colonial state at U.S. universities through donations of “Israel bonds.”

Whether or not calls for divestment by the current student-led movement and the long-standing BDS movement succeed or have a concrete result, the symbolic impact of labeling Israel’s actions as immoral can have a ripple effect, potentially discouraging schools from taking on such a controversial affiliation. The fact that students at Brown University, Northwestern University, and the University of Minnesota have successfully forced their schools’ administrations to vote on divesting from Israel is a major step toward delegitimizing Israel. Smaller colleges such as the Seattle-based Evergreen State College are also following suit.

Detractors of divestment say the efforts will have little effect on Israel. Others say they are antisemitic even though the initiatives are aimed at the Israeli state and institutions complicit in apartheid and genocide, not against Jewish individuals. Indeed, the current student movements in solidarity with Palestinians have the support and participation of many justice-seeking Jewish groups and individuals.

Minnesota’s congressional representative Ilhan Omar put it best in 2019 when the House of Representatives passed a resolution condemning the BDS movement. She said, “We should condemn in the strongest terms violence that perpetuates the occupation, whether it is perpetuated by Israel, Hamas or individuals… But if we are going to condemn violent means of resisting the occupation, we cannot also condemn nonviolent means.”

This article was produced by Economy for All, a project of the Independent Media Institute.

Sonali Kolhatkar is the founder, host and executive producer of “Rising Up With Sonali,” a television and radio show that airs on Free Speech TV and Pacifica stations. She is a writing fellow for the Economy for All project at the Independent Media Institute.

The widening gap between rhetoric and reality

In the context of economic governance, an area that has been the focus of some political parties and Presidential aspirants has been how they will assist small and medium-scale entrepreneurs through SME loan facilities.

by Raj Gonsalkorale

“On the 138th observance of World Labour Day, born from a historic struggle for rights, our nation stands at a pivotal moment. Regardless of political affiliations, it falls upon each of us to shoulder the unshakable duty of fortifying our economy and propelling our nation onward.” 
~ President Ranil Wickremasinghe

Political catchphrases like “Dharmishta Samajaya” and “Yahapalanaya” have won elections. People voted for these and the leader’s rhetoric as they either genuinely felt that they lived in a society that was not just or in an “ayahapath palanaya,” an unjust governance environment, or they were conditioned to think as such with smartly managed political rhetoric. In either case, it’s the people who voted in leaders and governments to office, and in either case, the reality after years of governance did not match the rhetoric for the people of the country.

Grandmother with her Granson in Jaffna [ Photo credit Claudia Willmitzer - claudiawillmitzer.com ]

In its 76 years as an independent nation, one legacy that no rational person can deny is the financial dependence of the nation on others. The nation has survived because of this dependence. Today, the nation is in debt as it has never been before, and this debt exceeds its worth, its GDP, by more than 20%. Even if the country is sold at its GDP value, it will still owe more than 20% of its worth to its debtors.

This unprecedented dire predicament has not brought its current rulers and aspirants together despite the President’s call, which he has been making almost from the time he took office. Sri Lanka needs a different economic governance model as continuing with the status quo, policy-wise, will result in another debacle sooner or later. It needs some economic parameters, legislated by Parliament, to ensure economic discipline by any government of the day, which will ensure future generations do not have to face the consequences of economic mismanagement by a government.

What are the economic parameters that the rulers and aspirants could and should agree on irrespective of their political differences? They could, for example, agree by way of legislation to set some ceilings on debt, expenditure, a GDP target, savings of foreign exchange earned through exports and the sweat and tears of housemaids, construction workers, and others who have gone overseas and remitting money to Sri Lanka. Examples are:
  • A legislatively agreed debt-to-GDP ratio that cannot be exceeded without a 2/3 majority in Parliament. It’s worth noting that as per Central Bank data, this ratio was 75% in 2015, it had increased to 97% in 2019, and it is 120% today.
  • A legislatively agreed GDP growth target rate. It is worth noting again that the GDP growth as per the Central Bank was 6.9% in 2015, 2.7% in 2019, and averaging around 2% in 2024 after two years of negative growth. Again, any revision of this target will have to be agreed by a 2/3 majority in Parliament.
  • A legislatively agreed consumption expenditure component as a percentage of the country’s income. While project expenditure that yields a dividend for the country could be excluded from this, the principle that consumption expenditure must be met with the country’s income has to be enshrined in the constitution. Any revision of this percentage will have to be agreed by a 2/3 majority in Parliament. Savings accrued from this could be credited to a rupee development fund.
  • A legislatively agreed foreign exchange savings fund that is to be used only during emergency situations and with the approval of 2/3 of the Parliament.
These parameters will ensure the country operates within its income, saving money for a rainy day, and avoiding the disastrous situation that befell the country in the past. The country could contain its debt by not allowing it to exceed a legislated percentage of the GDP. It will be the responsibility of the government of the day to adhere to these legislative requirements, which will be enshrined in the constitution to save future generations from being driven into an abyss as happened. Assigning the responsibility for enacting this legislation and then ensuring its compliance is an onerous task, and judging by the reputation of most politicians of the day, one cannot be blamed for having a deep sense of skepticism about the political process related to compliance with the legislation. However, the legislature is the supreme law-making body of the country, and along with an independent judiciary, people should have the confidence that they could seek justice from the judiciary if members of the legislature fail to ensure the government of the day complies with the legislation.

Managing economic governance within the parameters that have been legislated will not thwart development and growth as they will give opportunities to increase expenditure, provided they have successfully increased the country’s income. They would have the opportunity to borrow more for new, viable projects if they have been successful in increasing the GDP of the country as debt will be a legislated percentage of the GDP. The amount saved in rupees and in foreign exchange will be more if they have managed to earn more foreign exchange or they have reduced their expenditure by astute expenditure management.

Corruption, waste, unproductive expenditure will all have an impact on these parameters, and necessary independent mechanisms will have to be introduced and existing ones strengthened to curb waste that occurs through corruption and unproductive expenditure. As everyone seems to agree, corruption by way of bribery, deliberate higher payments on contracts and tenders have become a way of life afflicting the country, and people should have the confidence they could resort to judicial action on these practices to take alleged perpetrators to courts. The taker of a bribe is not the only party responsible for the unsavory practice. The giver is equally responsible and should face punishment as severe as a taker of a bribe.

In respect of income, the government of the day should have the guts to reign in tax dodgers irrespective of who they are, especially the high-income earners who either do not pay any taxes or pay very nominal amounts. A tax system has to be fair to all concerned whether one is a low-income earner or a high-income earner, but a system should not burden lower income categories and deprive them of funds for essential expenditure. For most higher-income categories, a higher tax payment does not cause a reduction in essential expenditure, but a dip in their expenditure for optional luxury items.

Vast amounts could be saved by better expenditure management, and besides, it will increase the confidence of the people that their taxes are being utilized fairly and justly. Luxuries afforded to politicians could be drastically reduced.

While it is possible that institutions like the IMF may have agendas to further the particular interests, a key benefit for Sri Lanka is the degree of forced financial discipline that the IMF agreement brings in. Financial indiscipline is at the root cause of the debacle that the country faced, and the economic governance parameters proposed in this article need to be considered in this light. The country does not have to approach the IMF, resort to borrowings using ISBs, or take bilateral and multilateral loans if the proposed economic parameters are adhered to. Loans could be obtained for viable income-generating projects, but project financing could also be done by opening them to investors.

In this election year, in terms of closing the gap between political rhetoric and reality, a methodology for the ongoing accountability mechanism for political leaders and political parties to the people of the country has to be introduced. The manifestos of political parties and of aspirants to the high office of President should become a legally enforceable social contract between them and the people. Manifestos of the past have basically been useless documents mostly containing motherhood statements. Hardly any debate or discussion has been had on them, and voters too have shirked their responsibility in this two-way process that entails accountability and responsibility. A manifesto must enshrine not just grand policies but key action points as to how they are to be implemented. As the implementation of some policies is time-consuming, a manifesto could also include the imperativeness of a 5-year action plan as a minimum. Any citizen should be able to seek justice from the courts if a President and/or a government has not delivered on the inclusions in a manifesto without good reasons for non-delivery of promises. It is understood that the NPP is considering this and has sought legal opinion on it. If this is true, it is a welcome development.

Much has been said about increasing export earnings without spelling out how this is to be done. Exporters and would-be exporters need incentives and mechanisms for ease of business transactions. Specific proposals to increase the export potential of existing and new areas have to be included in the manifestos of Presidential aspirants and political parties contesting general elections.

Finally, in the context of economic governance, an area that has been the focus of some political parties and Presidential aspirants has been how they will assist small and medium-scale entrepreneurs through SME loan facilities.

While this is a welcome move, it would be necessary to identify who or which category of an SME qualifies as an SME to secure loans. For example, an owner-driven cab driver or a three-wheel driver should qualify as an SME as they are all small-scale entrepreneurs, and most if not all of them face major challenges with funding when confronted with repairs on their vehicles. Their livelihood and the welfare of their families are dependent on their earnings, and when this gets adversely affected, it creates a consequential impact on them and their families. SME loan facilities are an attractive mechanism to assist the thousands of small-scale business operators, but as far as the writer is aware, the process to secure an SME loan is a cumbersome one that needs simplification.

Raj Gonsalkorale is an independent health supply chain management specialist with wide international experience. Writing is his passion.

Ceylon Chamber of Commerce to Host IORA Business Conclave 2024

The conclave will feature a multifaceted agenda, including a strategic networking reception, B-2-B meetings, plenary sessions and several sector-focused breakout sessions.

“Sustaining Growth – Bridging Horizons”

The Ceylon Chamber of Commerce proudly announces its appointment as the Chair of the Indian Ocean Rim Business Forum (IORBF) for 2023 – 2025. In line with this prestigious appointment, the Ceylon Chamber in collaboration with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Sri Lanka will organise the “Indian Ocean Rim Association Business Conclave” (IORA Business Conclave) from May 28th to 29th, 2024, at the Shangri-La Colombo.

Image shows the Maldivian atolls in the Indian Ocean from above [Special Arrangement]

Themed “Sustaining Growth – Bridging Horizons,” the Conclave will focus on several sectors of particular relevance to global economic trends, including Agriculture, Renewable Energy, ICT, Logistics, SME & Women Empowerment, and Tourism.

The 23 IORA Member States comprise Australia, Bangladesh, Comoros, France, India, Indonesia, Iran, Kenya, Madagascar, Malaysia, Maldives, Mauritius, Mozambique, Oman, Seychelles, Singapore, Somalia, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Tanzania, Thailand, United Arab Emirates, and Yemen. The 12 Dialogue Partners comprise China, Egypt, the European Union, Germany, Italy, Japan, South Korea, Russia, Türkiye, the United Kingdom, the United States, and Saudi Arabia.

The IORA Business Conclave 2024 will present unparalleled trade, investment, and business opportunities across the Indian Ocean Rim. With representation from IORA’s 23 Member States and 12 Dialogue Partners, entrepreneurs, investors, and industry leaders from diverse sectors and economies will converge to explore untapped markets, forge strategic alliances and capitalise on emerging trends. In this manner, the event will catalyse cross-border collaborations and unlock the immense potential of the Indian Ocean Rim region.

The conclave will feature a multifaceted agenda, including a strategic networking reception, B-2-B meetings, plenary sessions and several sector-focused breakout sessions. From disruptive technologies to sustainable practices, the sessions will offer insights into the future of commerce across the Indian Ocean rim. 

“We are honoured to host the IORA Business Conclave 2024.  We encourage stakeholders from all sectors across the region to participate in this landmark event, seize the opportunities it presents, and contribute towards sustaining growth and bridging horizons across the Indian Ocean Rim’, Secretary General and CEO of the Ceylon Chamber and the Chair of the IORBF, Mr Buwanekabahu Perera said.

Strategic Partners: The Australian Government, Asian Development Bank, Board of Investment of Sri Lanka, Sri Lanka Convention Bureau, Sri Lanka Export Development Board, Sustainable Development Council of Sri Lanka, United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), International Labour Organization Country Office for Sri Lanka and The Maldives, HSBC, Hayleys Advantis, VISA. Bronze Sponsors: Akbar Brothers, Zam Gems. Official Partners: Airline – SriLankan Airlines, Business Media – Echelon, EconomyNext, Communication – Lanka Communication Services (Pvt) Ltd., Hospitality – Shangri-La Hotel Colombo, IT – E-W Information Systems Ltd., Travel – Jetwing Travels. Thought Leadership – International Finance Corporation.

For registration and further information, please visit www.ioraconclave.lk or contact Lilakshi on 0115588818 or lilakshi@chamber.lk

Will the Golden Age for Corporate Shareholders Ever End?

Shareholders have assumed enormous influence over U.S. corporations over the last few decades. Despite their firm hold, shifts are underway that could alter the domestic corporate landscape.

by John P. Ruehl

On April 3, 2024, Disney CEO Bob Iger officially fended off the attempt by institutional investor Nelson Peltz and his hedge fund Trian Partners to secure two board seats. During the affair, Disney faced pressure from proxy advisory firm Institutional Shareholder Services to support Peltz’s initiative. While Iger prevailed, the costliest board fight in history underscores the significant influence of shareholders in shaping the fates of corporations.

[Corrupt man gaining a lot of profit out of embezzlement and illegal activities]

Historically, U.S. corporate power was concentrated among executives, though with varying degrees of influence held by workers and other stakeholders. However, over the last century, U.S. corporations increasingly oriented themselves around their stock price and the imperative to maximize shareholder value. This mindset has now firmly entrenched itself within U.S. corporate culture and continues to shape their decisions and priorities.

Until the early 20th century, shareholders wielded minimal influence over U.S. corporations, with notable changes instigated by industries such as railroad conglomerates. To sidestep antitrust accusations and manipulate competition, for example, railroad companies created “communities of interest” by buying shares in one another, frequently installing their financiers and bankers on targeted companies’ boards. However, increased antitrust enforcement from the Supreme Court discouraged these practices by 1912.

Investors remained undeterred. Throughout the 1920s Merger Wave, shareholders amassed large stakes in various companies, eroding the traditional influence of company founders, executives, families, as well as other stakeholders like employees, trade unions, suppliers, customers, and local communities. The momentum of the shareholder rights movement surged following the stock market crash in 1929, which prompted legislation aimed at increasing transparency granting shareholders increased authority and information access.

During World War II, U.S. industrial power was centralized under government control. This trend, however, waned after the conflict concluded, leading to a resurgence of privatization that benefited shareholders as control shifted away from government oversight. Despite initially dominating the post-WWII economic landscape, U.S. companies began encountering tougher competition from global rivals by the 1960s, hindering their growth.

During the 1970s, prioritizing stock price growth for shareholders gained traction. However, it was the 1980s when this mindset became institutionalized, with legal rulings such as Smith v. Van Gorkom, (1985) and Revlon, Inc. v. MacAndrews and Forbes Holding, Inc. (1986) affirming corporations’ duties to shareholders.

Amendments to corporate laws aimed to enhance shareholder rights, enabling actions like director nominations, and voting on executive pay. Executive stock rewards thus began to increase, incentivizing risk-taking for short-term gains. Additionally, the 1986 Tax Reform Law cut the individual top tax rate and fueled heightened interest in short-term stock trading.

The evolution of institutional investors also played a pivotal part in reshaping the financial landscape. The growing role of hedge funds, 401(k) pension plans managed through mutual funds, and the introduction of other major asset management firms like Vanguard and BlackRock began to herald a new era in the stock market and corporate governance.

In the decades up to the 1980s, corporate raiding had become increasingly common. However, regulatory changes during the 1980s lifted restrictions on mergers and acquisitions, leading to the peak of the U.S. corporate raiding era. During this time, riskier, higher-return bonds called “junk bonds” and leveraged buyouts involving a large amount of borrowed money to purchase a company evolved into crucial financial tools for funding corporate takeovers. Companies often targeted struggling companies or undervalued firms, acquiring them with the intention of privatizing operations, slashing costs, divesting assets, and eventually reintroducing them to the public market.

In response to these attempts, entrenched corporate management networks implemented defensive strategies. They issued new shares to existing shareholders as poison pills, diluting the ownership stake of prospective buyers. Dual-class share structures allowed company insiders to maintain their control even with a minority of shares. Staggered boards meanwhile divided boards into different classes to make it difficult for outside entities to gain control. However, many still found themselves compelled to yield to the demands of institutional investors.

While corporate raiding declined in the early 1990s, the concept of stock prices as the primary measure of a company’s performance, thereby ensuring shareholder loyalty, was established. With more individuals and pension funds investing in the stock market, and the Dow Jones Industrial Average becoming an even more important economic indicator, increasing shareholder value had become the prevailing corporate imperative by the close of the 20th century.

Criticism of the shareholder value system and its repercussions, such as job outsourcing and soaring CEO pay, continued into the 2000s and remains widespread. Boeing’s diversion of pandemic relief funds for stock buybacks highlights the issue of prioritizing immediate shareholder gains over long-term stability and growth.

Boeing’s actions, though legal due to a 1982 SEC ruling that legitimized buybacks, received public criticism without significant consequences. Nevertheless, Boeing’s ongoing troubles with the safety of its planes have been exacerbated by the lack of investment. Several incidents have led to a notable decline in its share price over the last few months, erasing the benefits achieved through short-termism policies.

The evolution of corporate culture toward shareholders has occurred globally but to a lesser extent in other capitalist countries. In South Korea and Japan, stakeholder consensus among customers, suppliers, and the community remains more prominent. Long-term relationships are common with employees and suppliers, facilitating trust and collaboration throughout the supply chain, though efforts to increase the influence of shareholders are ongoing.

Many European firms have traditionally been characterized by high levels of ownership by founding families and governments. While this has slowly changed, there remains a culture of “codetermination” in Germany and other European Union (EU) countries. This model grants greater rights to employees in the decision-making process, with a focus on stability and job preservation, and returned after Germany pursued more shareholder-friendly policies during the 1990s.

In contrast, the UK shares a corporate structure more akin to that of the U.S., and it remains Europe’s financial powerhouse even after Brexit. However, the UK only has 15 companies in the top 100 companies, compared to 27 for Germany, 31 for France, and 40 for Japan in 2023. China’s state-owned enterprises have meanwhile claimed the top spot from the U.S.

Nonetheless, advocates of U.S. corporate structure highlight the flexibility and adaptiveness of U.S. companies compared to European and Asian firms, which are often viewed as less innovative. Additionally, they contend that this system has contributed to higher GDP growth than other developed countries, while several EU states maintain high unemployment rates. It is also argued that U.S. companies have navigated recent challenges like the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian invasion of Ukraine better.

U.S. companies have of course benefited from various factors such as the size of the domestic market, geopolitical influence, and status of the U.S. dollar as the world’s reserve currency, attracting global investment. However, they have become enamored by short-termism driven by investors. By 2020, the average holding period of shares on the New York Stock Exchange had shrunk to roughly five months, compared to an average of eight years in the late 1950s. Shareholders can easily sell their shares without sacrificing any assets in the company, hindering long-term strategic planning.

Frustration with the persistent dominance of shareholders in the U.S. corporate world has prompted efforts to diminish their influence in recent years. In 2018, Democratic senators proposed the Reward Work Act and the Accountable Capitalism Act, which would require large companies to allocate 33 to 40 percent of board seats to worker-elected representatives. These proposals mirror the German concept of board-level codetermination, adopted in the post-WWII era and now popular in many European countries.

Some contend that the German-style codetermination model is a poor fit for U.S. corporations. Moreover, codetermination initiatives have primarily focused on facilitating discussions between workers and employers on immediate conditions, serving as a supplement to existing union representation and collective bargaining structures rather than radically strengthening worker influence.

One advantage is the flexibility granted by U.S. state law, enabling states to experiment with their own rules. On April 19, 2024, the Volkswagen plant in Chattanooga, Tennessee, voted to unionize after two failed attempts in 2014 and 2019. The decision not only brings representation to Volkswagen workers in the U.S. but also represents the first successful unionization effort at a non-Big Three (General Motors, Stellantis, and Ford Motor Company) auto plant in the South. And since the first unionization push in New York in 2021, 41 states now have at least one unionized Starbucks, reminiscent of a century ago when labor movements gained significant momentum.

Policy recommendations have also emerged. Corporate Social Responsibility emerged originally in the mid-20th century but then reemerged by the turn of the millennium. Environmental, Social, and Governance considerations then emerged by the 2010s, alongside Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) initiatives. At a 2019 American Business Roundtable resolution, 196 CEOs advocated for a change in business culture and to commit CEOs to “meeting the needs of all stakeholders.”

Despite increasing calls for corporate accountability, these endeavors often lacked enforceability. DEI initiatives in particular have become embroiled in political controversies, leading to companies backtracking on their commitments. Shell meanwhile faced pressure from activist shareholders in 2021 regarding its contributions to climate change, including from its largest institutional investors, Vanguard, BlackRock, and State Street. But as economic considerations took precedence, minimal pressure was put on Shell, resulting in negligible advancements in climate change initiatives.

Nonetheless, just as the rise of communication networks in the 20th century allowed investors to gain influence over corporations, the rise of the internet and social media has equipped stakeholders and grassroots activists with their own tools. Public pressure to raise the minimum wage has resulted in dozens of cities and counties increasing their minimum wage in recent years and compelled companies like McDonald’s to stop lobbying against it. The GameStop stock saga of early 2021 meanwhile demonstrated how retail investors, fueled by social media hype, drove the company’s stock price upward, threatening institutional investors by disrupting established market dynamics.

Institutional investors like Vanguard, BlackRock, and State Street, which all own major shares in one another, have helped lead to an immense concentration of corporate ownership. Failing to reduce their dominance, and shareholders in general, could inspire further reforms. Limited Liability Companies emerged partly in response to this dominance, with the first one established in Wyoming in 1977. Meanwhile, large companies like OpenAI and Stripe are opting to remain private, further reducing the power of shareholders.

Additionally, worker cooperatives, businesses owned and operated by employees who share in decision-making and profits, have experienced renewed interest in the U.S. Despite waning popularity after their initial rise in the 19th century, they began to rebound in the 1970s and 1980s. The founding of the United Stated Federation of Worker Cooperatives in 2004 has since helped expand the number of worker cooperatives in the country.

Benefit corporations, for-profit companies that prioritize both their societal and environmental impacts, have also seen significant growth in recent years. Maryland became the first U.S. state to enact laws providing for public benefit corporations in 2010, and has since been joined by 36 other states and Washington, D.C.

The corporate era preceding the current one characterized by shareholder dominance was far from ideal. However, to foster a more equitable corporate landscape, public support for political initiatives that challenge the status quo and multi-stakeholder-focused business initiatives will be crucial to reducing the influence of shareholders. This may lead to major upheavals in pension systems and 401(k) plans invested in the stock market, yet it holds the potential to greatly improve worker rights, inspire long-term strategic planning, and promote a more equal distribution of corporate profits.

This article was produced by Economy for All, a project of the Independent Media Institute.

John P. Ruehl is an Australian-American journalist living in Washington, D.C. He is a contributing editor to Strategic Policy and a contributor to several other foreign affairs publications. He is currently finishing a book on Russia to be published in 2022.