| by Gajalakshmi Paramasivam
( November 19, 2012, Melbourne, Sri
Lanka Guardian) I write in response to Sri Lanka Guardian article ‘Never
again says the UN, Yet again’ by Mr. Suren Surendiran of the
Global Tamil Forum.
Mr. Surendra states ‘I wrote in the
UK Guardian on 30 May 2009, eleven days after the tragic end of the war titled
‘The ÚN has failed theTamils’
where I referred to and identified many of the failings and weaknesses now
being acknowledged after an internal inquiry within the UN, three and half
years later.’
I was already in Sri Lanka by 30 May
2009 – consoling and comforting and sharing with fellow Tamils in Sri Lanka. I
went day in and day out to the authorities to have my permit to go into Vanni, approved. No,
I did not have the steady mind to criticize intellectually the rights and
wrongs of the UN Administration. Before leaving Sydney on 05 May 2009 - I
wrote to our Australian authorities to do something to prevent further damage.
Most of all I prayed for me to know what to do. I was thus able to be with the
victims as part of them. If I had thought of criticizing at that time -
my mind would not have connected to influence the officers including the
armed officers administering the camps. During times like that – I do not read
‘external’ reports. During this period, I prayed strongly through
the form of Buddha and this I believe helped me quietly influence the armed officers.
I believe that the path I took was the most suitable path in that emergency.
When in Vavuniya – I slept on the floor and allowed myself to go through the parallels
of discomforts that the prisoners were going through. That I believe is the way
to feel part of them and to the extent of my own mental strength I was curing
them quietly most of the time and expressly whenever I was able to clear myself
through the Administrative path in Sri Lanka. At no time did I resort to asking
the Australian High Commission, leave alone the United Nations. I did ask the
Tamils in Public Administration in Vavuniya and I did receive their service to
help me serve the needy in the camps – including the Australians within the
camps. I continue to invest in Public Administration in Northern Sri Lanka
through avenues available to me. If I had known of Tamils in UN Administration
in Sri Lanka – I am likely to have included their service too.
Mr. Surendra asks ‘If I had known all
of these then and during the war, it begs the question why an international
body which was formed fundamentally to protect humanity didn’t know or did it
know and failed to act?’
The way a Tamil picks up Tamil pain from
a distance is largely through intuition due to common belief. Hence
in a democracy, we elect leaders and do not appoint them at the
primary level. The UN would feel the pain of Tamils through Tamils in its
own circles. Hence it is through a secondary path and not through a direct
path. Belief as a local Tamil is like the footpath. Its parallel in
UN is the global highway. If even one Tamil believed in the UN as
well as felt part of the whole Tamil community – the tragedy would
have been prevented. Deaths & pain would have been of the category suffered
due to suicide bombings by the LTTE who represented Tamils in this matter.
Tamils felt and the UN thought. UN’s
feelings for civilian Tamils would have been overridden by commitment to
administering Anti Terrorism which became their responsibility at
global level due to them listing the LTTE as a Terrorist group. UN did
not feel until it believed and this belief seems to have come through the
deeper investigations by its own officers. For our part – the Tamil Community
needs to feel greater ownership in Global Administration now that we know that
the UN is beginning to learn lessons. Learning lessons from our pain
strengthens determination. Back then UN was an outsider.
When it comes to Administration as
an outsider – one needs to use Common Principles to interpret independent observations. Under
those circumstances – the deaths and pain suffered by all concerned are as per
their own beliefs and it must benefit the whole world. An LTTE soldier fighting
and dying believing s/he was doing so for freedom – is a true
protector of Dharma / Righteousness. Similarly, a uniformed officer even though
s/he is on the official side of the one who ‘seems’ right – would be dying a
traitor to ‘freedom’ and dharma – if s/he did not consciously or
naturally follow the rules of war. The true side we are with is as
per our belief in our nation and / or in the issue. The apparent side we take
needs to be as per our duty. Duty is as per our apparent position in
society.
There are many examples in the Indian
epic Mahabharatham, where righteous leaders were seen to be on the side of
unrighteous persons who held the ruling positions. Bhishmar – the granduncle of youth
on both sides – was with the unrighteous leaders – as per his duty. But
Bhishmar’s blessings were with the Righteous minorities who truly respected
him. UN did not act like Bhismar because they did not feel at the grassroots
level and they were officially removed from their positions by the Sri Lankan
Government. Given that the UN had already listed the LTTE as Terrorists – UN
had the responsibility to lead the battle.
As per apparent position – Britain is
the Granduncle of both Sinhalese as well as Tamils. Whose side was Britain on –
in this war? Does the Global Tamil Forum in Britain know? I
certainly don’t know. UN was effectively denied that position of leadership
even though this was a global issue as per its own rules through which it
proscribed the LTTE. Righteous elders often take the official side – so the war
would be within official guidelines. It would be - so
long as they take the leadership. If UN had openly joined the Sri Lankan
leadership through its own troops – it would have been honored even in defeat. Now
one needs to question UN’s authority – real authority that led to the
proscription of the Tamil Tigers.
Tamils need to rely on themselves – with
the Diaspora playing the role of the UN. Once Tamils pay their dues to the
system through which they are now earning money and status – they would become
independent of that system and move towards global systems to administer and
govern themselves in countries that do provide for such practice. Until then –
they would continue to use majority information towards defeating the
other side. We must pay our debts to be ‘free’ – of the debts owed to the other
side. That when we would respond independently instead of reacting at surface
level – using other people’s work. What part of the pain and loss was the
responsibility of Tamils? If we give it all away to the Sinhalese, Foreigners
and the UN – then what is there left for us to learn from? When we own the pain
we develop determination. This is what is needed by the Tamil Community.
