| by Upul Joseph
Fernando
Courtesy: Ceylon Today
( December 8, 2012, Colombo, Sri Lanka
Guardian) Immediately after ensuring electoral success in Presidential and
Parliamentary Elections in 2010, President Mahinda Rajapaksa gave top priority
in his political agenda to remove the only obstacle to his well-known ambition
to continue in the Presidency for another six years; the two-term limit
prescribed by the Constitution. Knowing it would be difficult, particularly in
view of the growing dissatisfaction of the electorate and parliamentarians, to
get necessary parliamentary support in a few more years time to bring in an
amendment to the Constitution, he rushed legislative procedures through
Parliament at lightning speed to get rid of the time bar for holding
presidential office, ensuring his presidency and the government’s safe survival
for not six but 12 years.
By such
measures, Rajapaksa was building defences around him to make it impossible for
anyone to challenge him politically. When the Supreme Court under Chief Justice,
Dr. Shirani Bandaranayake gave some judgments harmful to the political designs
of the government, he decided to tame the Judiciary in a knee-jerk reaction.
Freeing
himself
With no
challenge from any imaginable corner to his political fortunes, the President
was quite content to sit back and carry on as usual. Lately however, a new
problem cropped up, which needed his special attention. He has already ensured
the political turf free of any challenge to him. The problem he confronted was
how to ensure the leadership of Ranil Wickremesinghe in the United National
Party (UNP) for many more years to come, at least until the UNP becomes only a
hollow shell of its former self.
Under the 2010
amended UNP constitution, the party leader was to be chosen annually by vote.
Rajapaksa’s dilemma was how to prevent any change of leadership of the UNP in
the foreseeable future. Unexpectedly, with the recent UNP Annual Convention, he
got the chance to prop up Wickremesinghe to his coveted position of party
leader when a resolution was moved at the Convention to extend the party
leader’s term by six years. Rajapaksa backed it to the hilt knowing fully-well
that it will hasten fragmentation of the UNP. With Wickremesinghe at the helm
of the UNP, which is breaking at the seams with a legacy of unending electoral
defeats, Rajapaksa’s stock has risen considerably among his key party members,
as none of them would ever consider a revolt within the party even under any
adverse conditions. None would want to hitch his wagon to a party hurtling
pell-mell towards a precipice of political oblivion.
Mahinda’s
support
The fact is
Rajapaksa’s support to Wickremesinghe to retain the latter’s leadership was
conditional; he wanted Wickremesinghe’s support to get rid of the Chief
Justice.
Wickremesinghe
attacked the CJ and the Judiciary in Parliament even before an impeachment
motion was being lined up against her. He said the Judiciary was responsible
for ruining his party by issuing certain adverse Court decisions, especially
allowing UNP MPs to cross over to the government without losing their seat. He
was blind or acted blind to the fact that his massive electoral losses in
metronomic regularity caused the defection of his MPs. Moreover, it was Justice
Ranjith Amarasinghe who adjudicated the cases of the party-switching MPs; yet,
Wickremesinghe nominated him to a now defunct Constitutional Council as the
party’s nominee. When then Deputy Leader Karu Jayasuiya and Assistant Leader
Gamini Atukorale mooted the idea of impeaching the then CJ, Sarath N. Silva,
who gave judgments partial to then President Chandrika Kumaratunga,
Wickremesinghe wrecked it and antagonized Jayasuriya and Atukorale, who
revolted against his decision thus forcing his hand to bring in the motion,
which Kumaratunga sabotaged in the end.
Then again, in
2003-2004 the UNP government, acting against the strong advice of G.L. Peris
and S.B. Dissanayake, avoided bringing an impeachment against Sarath N. Silva,
which according to internal party sources then, was seen as a move to ensure
Silva’s help in his leadership struggles with his party men who could pose a
legal threat to him. Wickremesinghe’s close camaraderie with Sarath Silva was
evident by the fact that he had at one time invited him to Sirikotha and
entrusted him with the task of drafting Fonseka’s agreement with the TNA the at
2010 Presidential Election he took the podium to address election rallies with
Sarath Silva by his side.
Coming out
against the CJ
It looks to be a
strange coincidence that Wickremesinghe comes out strongly against Sarath Silva
and the Judiciary at about the same time Rajapaksa took umbrage at the CJ.
Rajapaksa knew
he needed the support of the Opposition in the impending clash with the
Judiciary. When the Speaker came out strongly against the Judiciary in
Parliament, apropos the Divi Neguma Bill, Wickremesinghe slated the CJ and the
Judiciary roundly adding more muscle to the government’s case against the CJ.
He was insidiously trying to stoke up ill-will towards the CJ among his party
supporters, letting the government impose its will on the Judiciary.
Moreover, his
choice of party members for the Select Committee is a strong indicator of his
backing for the government in the battle between the CJ and the government. To
appease party dissidents, who opposed the impeachment, he named hawkish
Parliamentarian, Lakshman Kiriella. His preferred nominee John Amaratunga was
nominated to maintain the status quo at the Parliamentary Select Committee. He
was once thought to be on the fence contemplating joining the government
band-wagon, even being nominated by the President in his delegation to UN
General Assembly sessions. However, as a result of Wickremesinghe pleading with
Rajapaksa not to accommodate his supporters in the government and Rajapaksa
granting his wish, Amaratunga remained with UNP.
Even last
Thursday, when the Speaker declared the Parliament is supreme to the Judiciary
as the sovereignty rests with it, Wickremesinghe endorsed it with much
enthusiasm. The Speaker noted with appreciation, the support extended to him by
Wickremesinghe and made specific mention of it in his concluding speech.
By last Friday,
Wickremesinghe had solicited Rajapaksa’s help to provide protection to
Sirikotha from his own party men. Even at times of worse internal party
conflicts such as the one during 70-73 between J.R. Jayewardene and Dudley
Senanayake, none sought United Front Government’s help to resolve their
internal party problems. Likewise, when the SLFP was in turmoil between 1977
and 94 Sirimovo Bandaranaike neither sought nor obtained any help from the JR
and Premadasa Governments.
Rajapaksa
extending patronage to Wickremesinghe to sail safely through expected dissent
at the recently concluded party convention is nothing less than historic. How
Wickremesinghe will repay his debts to Rajapaksa for helping him to retain his
leadership for another six years to maintain the opposition’s status quo for
the foreseeable future remains to be seen.
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