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By Thomas Johnpulle
(May 08, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) With the demise of the LTTE, speculation is ripe that Tamil Elam struggle will also end. However, interested sections here and in Tamil Nadu want it to continue. The continuation of the Tamil struggle sounds so innocent and attractive but it underlies very dangerous communal strife. Sri Lanka is a democratic country and there is nothing Tamils, or any other community can get by struggling. What anyone would get is their due, equal share of democratic rights. True, Tamils and others were subjected to various forms of injustices over the years. However, today most of those injustices have been corrected. Democratic rights are enforceable and equal.
Political groups of unequal numbers made up of individuals with equal rights have unequal power. This is democracy where there is a winner and a loser when two competing concepts clash head-on. If it was not so, no decisions would be made in a democracy. Appreciating this fact is essential for peaceful coexistence.
If the Tamil struggle continues, that instigates the Sinhalas and Muslims also to struggle. At the end of it, there would be communal chaos and nothing else where each community struggles for more. They must accept the democratic verdict and carryon instead. This is why the Tamil struggle must end forthwith. Having said that, there is nothing wrong in struggling and striving for cultural and religious aspirations without antagonising others. It is political struggles that must take a non-communal approach.
Historically Tamil struggles were closely followed by other counter struggles
There is undisputable historical evidence to prove that Tamil struggles causing retaliatory struggles from other communities. The Tamil Mahajana Sabhai was formed on 15 August 1921. It took up the communal demand of 50:50 which was then termed “balanced representation”! At that time Sinhalas were roughly 75% of the population and Tamil speaking people numbered 25%. If each of the communities had 50% rights, a Sinhala individual would only have one third of the rights of a Tamil individual. Racism embedded in this demand caused it to be rubbished by the British. Lord Soulbury quite correctly termed it a mockery of democracy. Although it was rejected, the struggle didn’t stop and its effects were seen not long after. The Sinhala Maha Sabha was formed just 13 years later in 1934 by SWRD Bandaranaike! The journey that started in 1934 extended to 1956 and beyond. Neither group was direct political parties but gave rise to strong political movements and even stronger political concepts.
In 1944 the All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) was formed and three years later it won parliamentary seats. This is the first race-based political party to win a seat in parliament. Sadly it was not the last. A series of Tamil parties emerged and in 1989 for the first time a party by the name Sri Lanka Muslim Congress won seats in parliament. That was 42 years later. After 53 years from 1947 when ACTC was elected, in 2000 a party by the name Sihala Urumaya won a seat in parliament. These parties showed no regard for other communities in their quest for various demands.
Tamil struggle turned violent in 1970s. The LTTE was formed on May 5, 1976 though its leader’s had killed before notably on July 27, 1975. Violence gradually spiraled. Meanwhile the TULF (Tamil United Liberation Front) demanded a “secular, socialist state of Tamil Eelam” as the only means to end the violence. How Tamil Elam can be secular is anybody’s guess. Exactly eight (8) years from the first kill of the LTTE, Sri Lanka declared war on Tamil Tigers. A massive grueling war rolled on killing at least 70,000, displacing millions and destroying property. If the famous (or infamous) resolution and the resultant struggle brought about anything, it was death and destruction only.
A ceasefire agreement was signed by the parties to the war in 2002 but it was confined to paper. Under the pretext of the ‘ceasefire’ LTTE and its political wing, the Tamil National Alliance, launched Tamil aspirations aggressively regionally, nationally and internationally. Those who opposed it were either murdered or ridiculed. But things didn’t last long. In 2004, Jatika Hela Urumaya (JHU), a Sinhala party mostly identical in stance to the Tamil party - Tamil National Alliance - secured nine (9) seats in parliament making it the highest ever number of seats won by a Sinhala hardline party. It was amply complimented by the Janata Vimukti Peramuna (JVP), another party with strong views comprised almost entirely of Sinhalas secured 39 seats. The open Tamil Elam manifestation and propagation was halted in like manner. These two parties did a lot in securing the victory of the UPFA candidate at the 2005 Presidential Election that changed the political and military landscape of this country as never before. LTTE was decisively beaten while race-based political demands and ‘political solutions’ were not entertained. Note the link between the surge in Tamil communal aspirations and how Sinhala communal aspirations more than matched it.
Hunger strikes against military action became commonplace in the recent past. A notable similarity is the 1987 incident where it caused death. These are also counter productive. It was in 2000 a Buddhist monk sat down for a hunger strike in the heart of Colombo protesting against Kumaratunge’s political package. Things would have been very ugly had anything happened to him.
These are enough examples of how the Tamil struggle, at its various stages, instigated counter struggles by other communities. It can be guaranteed with certainty if it continues new forms of counter struggles from other quarters will emerge. However, so far, there were no direct confrontations between these forces. It cannot be, however, ruled out in the future if communal struggles continue.
Why LTTE emerged, the post-LTTE era and the need for a political solution
One reason for the emergence of the LTTE was the inability of the Tamil struggle to achieve its ends through peaceful means. That doesn’t mean it should be turned into a military struggle. Quite the opposite. They should have explored avenues of getting democratic rights that were affected temporarily and making this country a better place for every citizen, not just Tamils. That type of a move would have attracted support from a wide range of quarters and may have ended up in a win-win situation. However, instead they started an armed struggle and it was aptly beaten militarily. There is no justification to pursue the same demands that were rejected at elections, demonstrations, satyagrahas and in the battlefield over and over again. If pursued, they would only yield same results, nothing else.
There must be a political solution that ensures Sri Lanka’s territorial integrity, sovereignty, national development, upliftment of living conditions of people of all races and law and order. The present Constitution gives equal rights to all citizens. There is no way a political solution can concentrate on the aspirations of one community only. If that happens, there is no earthly reason why people of other communities should support it! They too have problems. That is why a nationally beneficial political solution should emerge.
However, all political solutions suggested during the time LTTE was active took more or less an appeasement approach towards the communal aspirations at the expense of national aspirations. This must end with the demise of the LTTE. The political solution must be popular, sustainable, democratic, freewheeling and beneficial for the nation. If the ‘solution’ is imposed, it will not be popular. It will not be sustainable as the moment the imposer loses its grip the ‘solution’ is going to fall apart. There is no point in having such ‘solutions’.
Military operations will continue after the LTTE is dismantled because it is quite easy for an individual to smuggle in claymore mines, guns and bombs and cause havoc as in the 1970s. Illegal immigration and violation of the immigration law both ways will happen frequently between India and Sri Lanka as it happened during ‘peaceful’ times in the 1940s to 1960s. Whenever highly anticipated films were released, Tamil young men traveled all the way to Tamil Nadu by boat to watch them and tell the story to their friends. Innocently, though, they violated the immigration law and the nation’s sovereignty. Unfortunately, this type of trips must also be barred militarily. Large military garrisons for the north is a must. The political solution must allow for these activities without hindrance. If the political solution hinders national security, either national security will collapse or the political solution will collapse. May be both will collapse! This is why the political solution and national security must compliment one another. Obviously a ‘solution’ that promotes racial aspirations than national aspirations is not going to be conducive for national security.
Enforcing the Sri Lanka sovereignty on Northerners will not be easy after decades of absence. But it must be done. This is a simple example why appeasement of a section of the total population should not form the basis of the political solution. It also displays why a military solution must go hand in hand with the political solution. Anyone can understand that it is not in line with the Tamil struggle.
The government must ensure that all sections of Sri Lankans not only get their due rights, but also are endowed with their due share of responsibilities towards Sri Lanka! Instead of the much talked about ‘hearts and minds campaign’, it is a ‘rights and responsibilities campaign’ that is suited for post war reconstruction. Meanwhile a secular struggle that cuts across racial boundaries is more beneficial for everyone.-Sri Lanka Guardian
By Thomas Johnpulle
(May 08, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) With the demise of the LTTE, speculation is ripe that Tamil Elam struggle will also end. However, interested sections here and in Tamil Nadu want it to continue. The continuation of the Tamil struggle sounds so innocent and attractive but it underlies very dangerous communal strife. Sri Lanka is a democratic country and there is nothing Tamils, or any other community can get by struggling. What anyone would get is their due, equal share of democratic rights. True, Tamils and others were subjected to various forms of injustices over the years. However, today most of those injustices have been corrected. Democratic rights are enforceable and equal.
Political groups of unequal numbers made up of individuals with equal rights have unequal power. This is democracy where there is a winner and a loser when two competing concepts clash head-on. If it was not so, no decisions would be made in a democracy. Appreciating this fact is essential for peaceful coexistence.
If the Tamil struggle continues, that instigates the Sinhalas and Muslims also to struggle. At the end of it, there would be communal chaos and nothing else where each community struggles for more. They must accept the democratic verdict and carryon instead. This is why the Tamil struggle must end forthwith. Having said that, there is nothing wrong in struggling and striving for cultural and religious aspirations without antagonising others. It is political struggles that must take a non-communal approach.
Historically Tamil struggles were closely followed by other counter struggles
There is undisputable historical evidence to prove that Tamil struggles causing retaliatory struggles from other communities. The Tamil Mahajana Sabhai was formed on 15 August 1921. It took up the communal demand of 50:50 which was then termed “balanced representation”! At that time Sinhalas were roughly 75% of the population and Tamil speaking people numbered 25%. If each of the communities had 50% rights, a Sinhala individual would only have one third of the rights of a Tamil individual. Racism embedded in this demand caused it to be rubbished by the British. Lord Soulbury quite correctly termed it a mockery of democracy. Although it was rejected, the struggle didn’t stop and its effects were seen not long after. The Sinhala Maha Sabha was formed just 13 years later in 1934 by SWRD Bandaranaike! The journey that started in 1934 extended to 1956 and beyond. Neither group was direct political parties but gave rise to strong political movements and even stronger political concepts.
In 1944 the All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) was formed and three years later it won parliamentary seats. This is the first race-based political party to win a seat in parliament. Sadly it was not the last. A series of Tamil parties emerged and in 1989 for the first time a party by the name Sri Lanka Muslim Congress won seats in parliament. That was 42 years later. After 53 years from 1947 when ACTC was elected, in 2000 a party by the name Sihala Urumaya won a seat in parliament. These parties showed no regard for other communities in their quest for various demands.
Tamil struggle turned violent in 1970s. The LTTE was formed on May 5, 1976 though its leader’s had killed before notably on July 27, 1975. Violence gradually spiraled. Meanwhile the TULF (Tamil United Liberation Front) demanded a “secular, socialist state of Tamil Eelam” as the only means to end the violence. How Tamil Elam can be secular is anybody’s guess. Exactly eight (8) years from the first kill of the LTTE, Sri Lanka declared war on Tamil Tigers. A massive grueling war rolled on killing at least 70,000, displacing millions and destroying property. If the famous (or infamous) resolution and the resultant struggle brought about anything, it was death and destruction only.
A ceasefire agreement was signed by the parties to the war in 2002 but it was confined to paper. Under the pretext of the ‘ceasefire’ LTTE and its political wing, the Tamil National Alliance, launched Tamil aspirations aggressively regionally, nationally and internationally. Those who opposed it were either murdered or ridiculed. But things didn’t last long. In 2004, Jatika Hela Urumaya (JHU), a Sinhala party mostly identical in stance to the Tamil party - Tamil National Alliance - secured nine (9) seats in parliament making it the highest ever number of seats won by a Sinhala hardline party. It was amply complimented by the Janata Vimukti Peramuna (JVP), another party with strong views comprised almost entirely of Sinhalas secured 39 seats. The open Tamil Elam manifestation and propagation was halted in like manner. These two parties did a lot in securing the victory of the UPFA candidate at the 2005 Presidential Election that changed the political and military landscape of this country as never before. LTTE was decisively beaten while race-based political demands and ‘political solutions’ were not entertained. Note the link between the surge in Tamil communal aspirations and how Sinhala communal aspirations more than matched it.
Hunger strikes against military action became commonplace in the recent past. A notable similarity is the 1987 incident where it caused death. These are also counter productive. It was in 2000 a Buddhist monk sat down for a hunger strike in the heart of Colombo protesting against Kumaratunge’s political package. Things would have been very ugly had anything happened to him.
These are enough examples of how the Tamil struggle, at its various stages, instigated counter struggles by other communities. It can be guaranteed with certainty if it continues new forms of counter struggles from other quarters will emerge. However, so far, there were no direct confrontations between these forces. It cannot be, however, ruled out in the future if communal struggles continue.
Why LTTE emerged, the post-LTTE era and the need for a political solution
One reason for the emergence of the LTTE was the inability of the Tamil struggle to achieve its ends through peaceful means. That doesn’t mean it should be turned into a military struggle. Quite the opposite. They should have explored avenues of getting democratic rights that were affected temporarily and making this country a better place for every citizen, not just Tamils. That type of a move would have attracted support from a wide range of quarters and may have ended up in a win-win situation. However, instead they started an armed struggle and it was aptly beaten militarily. There is no justification to pursue the same demands that were rejected at elections, demonstrations, satyagrahas and in the battlefield over and over again. If pursued, they would only yield same results, nothing else.
There must be a political solution that ensures Sri Lanka’s territorial integrity, sovereignty, national development, upliftment of living conditions of people of all races and law and order. The present Constitution gives equal rights to all citizens. There is no way a political solution can concentrate on the aspirations of one community only. If that happens, there is no earthly reason why people of other communities should support it! They too have problems. That is why a nationally beneficial political solution should emerge.
However, all political solutions suggested during the time LTTE was active took more or less an appeasement approach towards the communal aspirations at the expense of national aspirations. This must end with the demise of the LTTE. The political solution must be popular, sustainable, democratic, freewheeling and beneficial for the nation. If the ‘solution’ is imposed, it will not be popular. It will not be sustainable as the moment the imposer loses its grip the ‘solution’ is going to fall apart. There is no point in having such ‘solutions’.
Military operations will continue after the LTTE is dismantled because it is quite easy for an individual to smuggle in claymore mines, guns and bombs and cause havoc as in the 1970s. Illegal immigration and violation of the immigration law both ways will happen frequently between India and Sri Lanka as it happened during ‘peaceful’ times in the 1940s to 1960s. Whenever highly anticipated films were released, Tamil young men traveled all the way to Tamil Nadu by boat to watch them and tell the story to their friends. Innocently, though, they violated the immigration law and the nation’s sovereignty. Unfortunately, this type of trips must also be barred militarily. Large military garrisons for the north is a must. The political solution must allow for these activities without hindrance. If the political solution hinders national security, either national security will collapse or the political solution will collapse. May be both will collapse! This is why the political solution and national security must compliment one another. Obviously a ‘solution’ that promotes racial aspirations than national aspirations is not going to be conducive for national security.
Enforcing the Sri Lanka sovereignty on Northerners will not be easy after decades of absence. But it must be done. This is a simple example why appeasement of a section of the total population should not form the basis of the political solution. It also displays why a military solution must go hand in hand with the political solution. Anyone can understand that it is not in line with the Tamil struggle.
The government must ensure that all sections of Sri Lankans not only get their due rights, but also are endowed with their due share of responsibilities towards Sri Lanka! Instead of the much talked about ‘hearts and minds campaign’, it is a ‘rights and responsibilities campaign’ that is suited for post war reconstruction. Meanwhile a secular struggle that cuts across racial boundaries is more beneficial for everyone.-Sri Lanka Guardian
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